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super q pancit bihon Trump’s lawyers rebuff DA’s idea for upholding his hush money conviction, calling it ‘absurd’SCOTTSDALE, Ariz. — Even when Penn State quarterback Drew Allar gets some praise, it's usually a backhanded compliment. They say he's a good game manager and stays within himself, or that he doesn't try to do too much. They mention he might not be flashy, but he gives the team a chance to win. And here's the thing about Penn State since Allar stepped under center: The Nittany Lions have won games. A lot of them. Sometimes that's hard to remember considering the lukewarm reception he often gets from fans. "I get it — we have a really passionate fan base and they're a huge part of our success," Allar said Sunday at College Football Playoff quarterfinals media day. "For us, we always want to go out there every drive and end with a touchdown, so when we don't do that, there's nobody more frustrated than us." The polarizing Allar is having a solid season by just about any standard, completing more than 68% of his passes for 3,021 yards, 21 touchdowns and seven interceptions while leading the sixth-seeded Nittany Lions to a 12-2 record and a spot in the Fiesta Bowl for Tuesday's game against No. 3 seed Boise State. But in a college football world filled with high-scoring, explosive offenses, Allar's no-frills performances often are the object of ire. The Penn State offense is a run-first bunch, led by the talented combo of Nicholas Singleton and Kaytron Allen. "If we had a nickel for every time there was a Monday morning quarterback saying some BS stuff, we'd all be pretty rich," offensive coordinator Andy Kotelnicki said. "I think part of being a quarterback, especially at Penn State but really anywhere, is how you respond to and manage criticism." The 20-year-old Allar has made strides in that department after a trying 2023 season that finished with a 10-3 record. He says that's largely because once fall camp started back in August, he logged off the social media platform X. Allar said negative online experiences wore on him last year, and his phone number was leaked a few times, which added to the stress. He finally realized that controlling outside narratives was impossible, so the best course of action was to eliminate a needless distraction. "I've been more mentally free, as much as that sounds crazy," Allar said. "I think that's been a huge difference for me this year." The biggest criticism of Allar — and really Penn State as a whole during the 11-year James Franklin era — is that he isn't capable of winning the big games. He's 0-2 against rival Ohio State and threw a late interception against Oregon in the Big Ten title game earlier this month, which sealed the Ducks' 45-37 victory. He wasn't great in the CFP's first round, either, completing just 13 of 22 passes for 127 yards as Penn State muscled past SMU 38-10 on a cold, blustery day to advance to the Fiesta Bowl. But the quarterback is confident a better performance — aided by a game that will be played in comfortable temperatures in a domed stadium — is coming. "For me, I just have to execute those (easy) throws early in the game and get our guys into rhythm," Allar said. "Get them involved early as much as I can and that allows us to stay on the field longer, call more plays and open up our offense more. That will help us a ton, building the momentum throughout the game." Allar might be a favorite punching bag for a section of the Penn State fan base, but that's not the case in his own locker room. Star tight end Tyler Warren praised his quarterback's ability to avoid sacks, saying that the 6-foot-5, 238-pounder brings a toughness that resonates with teammates. "He's a football player," Warren said. "He plays quarterback, but when you watch him play and the energy he brings and the way he runs the ball, he's just a football player and that fires up our offense." Now Allar and Penn State have a chance to silence critics who say that the Nittany Lions don't show up in big games. Not that he's worried about what other people think. "I think it's a skill at the end of the day — blocking out the outside noise," Allar said. "Focusing on you and the process and being honest with yourself, both good and bad." Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!Arguments over whether Luigi Mangione is a 'hero' offer glimpse into unusual American moment

It’s a big and bitter surprise to discover that Marielle Heller’s new film, “Nightbitch,” is, for the most part, excruciating to watch. Heller made two of the best movies of recent years, “ Can You Ever Forgive Me? ” and “ A Beautiful Day in the Neighborhood ,” yet this new one has few of their virtues. Those films are energized by a sense of sincere and fervent curiosity. Heller seemingly can’t get enough of her main characters; she observes and listens to them with the tenacity of an investigative journalist, and creates a visual style to match their wide-ranging discourse. In “Nightbitch,” Heller gives the impression of knowing exactly what she wants to say, with the result that she turns her characters into mouthpieces and films them with little sense of discovery. Coming from such a probing director, the new work is a disappointment, and yet there’s something diagnostically very interesting about the movie’s failings. “Nightbitch,” based on a novel by Rachel Yoder , centers on a family of three in a comfortable suburb. The family members are unnamed; Amy Adams stars as an artist and former gallery employee who now stays home with her toddler son, whom she calls Baby. Her husband (Scoot McNairy) has a job that requires long hours and frequent travel; he mentions writing reports in a hotel room late at night, but that’s as much as is divulged. (In the novel, he’s an engineer, they live in a “small Midwestern town,” and she used to run a community-based gallery, but the characters are likewise unnamed.) Baby is a poor sleeper, so the mother has to tend to him day and night while also running the household. She seems to have no friends; she grudgingly brings Baby to the local library for a “Book Babies” parent-and-child reading and sing-along session, but she has only contempt for the other suburban mommies, whom she considers unintellectual, unstylish, uninspired, unamusing. Isolated and exhausted, the mother is frustrated, and miserable. In social situations, she feels pressure to wax lyrical about the joys of motherhood, even as she fantasizes about speaking her mind or lashing out physically. But the mother doesn’t snap; instead, at night, she turns into a dog. She finds herself growing sharp incisors, unexpected fur, a tail, and six extra nipples, and developing a heightened sense of smell, cravings for meat, an urge to hunt small animals, and an irresistible attractiveness to the neighborhood’s stray dogs. (She also refers to herself as Nightbitch, as in the novel.) At first, Nightbitch assumes she’s dreaming, but then she awakens to discover that she has killed a rabbit—and then the family’s cat. The first hint of an aesthetic problem with “Nightbitch” is when Adams’s character calls her toddler “Baby.” Soon it became obvious that the main characters’ namelessness is not just a question of omission—plenty of secondary and incidental characters are named—but a part of a deliberate choice to de-characterize. For instance, there’s no indication of the couple’s interests. They don’t talk except about basic practicalities; he plays a video game (which one?); the couple sit and watch something on TV (what?); when she’s home with Baby, there’s no radio on, no podcast, no music playing, nothing that suggests any trace of identity. She is reduced to her function as a mother and, occasionally, as a wife. That’s the point, of course: stripped by her unending domestic duties of everything that makes her who she is, Nightbitch undergoes a feral transformation as her suppressed rage erupts. But that’s an elevator pitch, not an experience. The film’s premise is rendered abstract, mapped out with a quasi-mathematical rigor that merely elides the specifics on which the drama depends. It’s as if the story were plotted on a graph, with one axis labelled “money” and another one labelled “communication.” Early on, Nightbitch tries to tell her husband about her frustrations and her desire to change things around by getting a part-time job. He shuts her down with the declaration that “you know, the math doesn’t totally add up”—that she’d earn less than child care would cost. But what are those numbers? And what are the other relevant numbers? How much does he make? How expensive is their comfortably big house? How much do they owe, and what are their savings? Presumably, if he were earning enough to pay for day care or a babysitter, “Nightbitch” would be a very short movie. Lack of money is an underlying stress that the film leaves unexpressed and unexplored. It’s telling, therefore, that there isn’t any other purchase or payment in the movie that appears to cause a shadow of a doubt or a second thought. Even when—spoiler alert—a change in the couple’s circumstances entails a sharp increase in expenses, it’s neither discussed nor sweated over. It’s no problem at all. The movie’s silences about money are matched by wider-ranging silences, which concern the other axis—communication—on which the story is graphed. Nightbitch repeatedly makes clear that the decision to leave her gallery job and her artistic calling and to stay home with Baby was her own—that she was eager to do it. What’s unclear is the couple’s decision to leave the city and move to the suburbs, what they anticipated the financial consequences to be, what their other options were, what experiences and desires prompted Nightbitch to make this choice. She also accuses her husband of having accepted her choice too rapidly, when pushing back would have affirmed the importance of her career and her art. What are their politics? What made them think that they’d find happiness in the suburbs? Nightbitch, it’s understood, grew up outside the city, and her mother—an accomplished singer who gave up her own career to raise children— also underwent something like the nocturnal transformations that Nightbitch now experiences. Has she ever discussed this with her husband? Why does she have no friends to talk with, no one to take into her confidence? She does have her grad-school art-world friends, whom she sees again after a long absence and who, she discovers, are assholes in whom she couldn’t confide at all. Not only do Nightbitch and her husband not talk much now; they seemingly didn’t talk much before Baby came along. They give the impression of having met for the first time on the set when Heller first called “Action.” There’s no loam of shared experience, no sense of a shared life, nothing between them but the silences on which the story depends, and without which, again, the drama would quickly be resolved. There isn’t even much in the way of canine experience—a director who imagined these characters in subjective detail would also have made much more of Nightbitch’s feral adventures. In this regard, as in many others, Heller’s adaptation has bowdlerized Yoder’s novel. (For example, if the movie had dramatized the book’s dénouement, it would likely have rivalled “The Substance” for gonzo spectacle.) The silences of “Nightbitch” regarding money and the blanks regarding inner lives and shared lives make the movie an empty and contrived experience. This a surprise, not only because Heller’s two previous works were so alert and engaged but because the topic of the new one turns out to be one in which she feels a personal stake. I learned about this only by reading my colleague Emily Nussbaum’s recent Profile of Heller , in which Heller speaks about her experience staying home with her young children, while her partner, the filmmaker Jorma Taccone, went on working. At the core of the film’s artistic failings is a paradox—of a deep personal investment and a frozen artistic involvement. The inherent conflict of Nightbitch’s misery and her husband’s practical-minded indifference is a poignant and fruitful subject for a movie, a classic premise for a melancholy melodrama. But the sweetening of the story and the effacing of its details suggest unease and ambivalence about its personal aspects. Directors of great marital melodramas either haven’t had such worries or else have been more at ease with the autobiographical aspects of their art. Nothing suggests that Douglas Sirk was reporting on his home life in “ There’s Always Tomorrow ”; everyone understood that Ingmar Bergman, directing his partner Liv Ullmann, was doing something of the sort in “Scenes from a Marriage.” As for Ida Lupino, she directed an extraordinary marital melodramas, “ The Bigamist ,” from 1953, in which she and Joan Fontaine co-starred as a man’s two wives—soon after, Lupino had divorced Collier Young, the movie’s screenwriter and co-producer, and Fontaine had married him. The marital melodrama, it seems, can flourish with philosophical distance or, conversely, with uninhibited openness or sheer chutzpah—in any case, not with the hedging defensiveness on display in “Nightbitch.” ♦ New Yorker Favorites A man was murdered in cold blood and you’re laughing ? The best albums of 2024. Little treats galore: a holiday gift guide . How Maria Callas lost her voice . An objectively objectionable grammatical pet peeve . What happened when the Hallmark Channel “ leaned into Christmas .” Sign up for our daily newsletter to receive the best stories from The New Yorker .The AP Top 25 men’s college basketball poll is back every week throughout the season! Get the poll delivered straight to your inbox with AP Top 25 Poll Alerts. Sign up here . HARRISONBURG, Va. (AP) — Bryce Lindsay had 18 points in James Madison’s 78-61 win against Utah Valley on Saturday night. Lindsay added five rebounds for the Dukes (6-4). Xavier Brown scored 12 points and added seven assists. AJ Smith went 4 of 6 from the field (2 for 3 from 3-point range) to finish with 10 points, while adding seven rebounds and three steals. The Wolverines (4-5) were led in scoring by Osiris Grady, who finished with 12 points. Tanner Toolson added 10 points and two steals. Hayden Welling had nine points. ___ The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .US announces nearly $1 bn in new military aid for UkraineCam Skattebo strikes a pose and makes a statement: He belongs on the sport's biggest stage

Right-wing activist Nick Fuentes has reportedly been charged with battery following an incident last month in which he allegedly maced an activist who came to his suburban Chicago home. A Berwyn Police Department report obtained by the Smoking Gun shows Fuentes was booked Nov. 27 — two weeks after the incident — and is expected to appear in court on Dec. 29. The booking took less than an hour, according to that report. Fuentes’s home address was posted online after he made chauvinistic comments on social media when Donald Trump won the 2024 presidential election. “ Your body, my choice. Forever ,” the 26-year-old provocateur tauntingly told abortion rights activists. That sentiment was not appreciated by many women, including local woman Marla Rose, who went to Fuentes’s Berwyn, Ill., home and asked why he made the remark. Rose’s husband provided video to the Daily News that seems to show the far-right pundit opening his door and spraying Rose with some kind of liquid before seizing her phone as she dropped to the ground. The video ends with Fuentes stomping on the device. Rose’s husband told the Daily News at the time that he and his wife filed a police report and planned to hire a lawyer. Police in Berwyn, Ill., said neither party was initially cooperating in its investigation. They hadn’t yet seen video of the incident — which had to be retrieved from Rose’s damaged phone — so no charges were immediately filed. Well-known within MAGA circles for his toxic rhetoric, Fuentes became a national figure in November 2022 when he and rapper Ye dined with Donald Trump at the President-elect’s Florida home. In addition to insulting women in his online broadcasts, Fuentes has pushed racism and Holocaust denialism . ©2024 New York Daily News. Visit at nydailynews.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.FILE - : Candles are lit on the Menorah for the fourth night of Hanukkah on December 21, 2022 in North Haledon, New Jersey. (Photo by Michael Bocchieri/Getty Images) Hanukkah will begin on the evening of Christmas Day (Dec. 25) and end next year, on Jan. 2, 2025. The Jewish holiday is usually celebrated over eight days to mark the miracle and victory of the Maccabees. Hanukkah is a Jewish festival that is celebrated for eight days, generally during the month of December, though it sometimes starts in late November or ends in early January. Hanukkah (also spelled Chanukah) is observed by about 5% of Americans, according to a 2019 Associated Press NORC survey. Some holiday traditions associated with Hanukkah in the states come in the form of blue and white or sometimes silver decorations, potato latkes, and of course, the lighting of a candelabra, also known as a menorah. Hanukkah 2024 will begin on Christmas Day, Wednesday, Dec. 25, 2024, and end the next Thursday, Jan. 2, 2025. As many may know, it is observed over the span of eight days to mark the miracle and victory of the Maccabees, according to Chabad.org. Hanukkah is an 8-day celebration of the miracle that took place at the rededication of the Holy Temple in Jerusalem, according to Western University. Around 139 B.C., Israel, which was known as Judea at the time, was ruled by Syria, according to History.com. Syrian soldiers descended upon Jerusalem and the city’s Holy Temple and defiled the oil used to light the temple menorah. After reclaiming the temple, Judah Maccabee led his followers to cleanse the Holy Temple and rebuild it. When Maccabee and the other Jewish people took part in the rededication of the temple, they witnessed what they believed was a miracle, according to Chabad.org. During the rededication, Maccabee and the Jews lit a single candle with enough untainted olive oil to last one day, but the candle continued flickering for eight nights. This miracle inspired the holiday traditions that are seen in America and around the world today. FILE - : Candles are lit on the Menorah for the fourth night of Hanukkah on December 21, 2022 in North Haledon, New Jersey. (Photo by Michael Bocchieri/Getty Images) On each night of Hanukkah, Jewish people will typically light a candle on a menorah. These candle lightings are usually done at home, in a doorway or near a window after a brief blessing is recited. In addition to menorah lightings, giving to charity and social works are also part of the celebration for many, reflecting the belief that the Jewish people are called by God to help make the world better for all. During Hanukkah, some people play with dreidels which are tops that have four Hebrew letters etched upon them which include nun, gimmel, hay and shin, according to Chabad.org. It’s also customary to commemorate Hanukkah by eating oily foods such as doughnuts, potato pancakes (latkes) and eating dairy products such as cheese. Hanukkah is not recognized as a federal holiday in the states but some businesses and Jewish-run organizations might be closed during the holiday. Information for this article was gathered from the Associated Press and previous LiveNOW from FOX reporting. This story was reported from Los Angeles.

Professor Geoffrey Hinton said we need to be "very careful" and "very deliberate" in developing AI, which he sees as "potentially very dangerous". He previously estimated there was a 10 percent chance of the technology causing the extinction of the human race, but now predicts that number is between "10 and 20 percent" due to the rapid development of AI. "We have never before dealt with anything more intelligent than ourselves," Hinton told BBC Radio 4. "How many examples do you know of something more intelligent controlling something less intelligent? There are very few of them. There is the example of mother and child - evolution has gone to great lengths to allow the child to control the mother, but that is almost the only example I know," he added. Professor Hinton, who won the Nobel Prize in Physics this year, warned that AI was changing "much faster" than he had expected and that there had not been enough time to carry out the research he felt was necessary. While his work laid the groundwork for machine learning—the technology that allows computers to mimic human intelligence—his recent efforts have focused on advocating for safer AI. He left Google last year amid concerns that "bad actors" could use the technology to do harm. sdecoret / Shutterstock.com "I didn't think we'd get to this so soon. I thought it was going to be a long way off," Hinton said, referring to expectations about the development of artificial intelligence when he began his work. He added: "Now most experts in the field think that in the next 20 years we will develop AI that is smarter than humans. That is a very scary thought." He compared the future of AI to the relationship between a three-year-old child and an adult: "We will be three-year-olds and AI will be adults." Professor Hinton said the impact of AI on the world could be similar to the industrial revolution. "During the industrial revolution, human power became less relevant because machines were more powerful. Now we have something that replaces human intelligence. Ordinary human intelligence will no longer be at the forefront of innovation - it will be machines," he declared. Summit Art Creations / Shutterstock.com When asked what life might be like in 10 or 20 years, Hinton said it "will very much depend on what our political systems do with this technology." He emphasized the need for regulation to prevent misuse of the technology. "We have to be very careful in developing a potentially very dangerous technology. AI will bring many benefits, especially in health and industry, but regulations are needed to prevent abuses," he said. He added that he is concerned that AI will worsen social inequality if many lose their jobs and the benefits are concentrated among the wealthy. "If there's a big gap between the rich and the poor, that's very bad for society." "During the industrial revolution, machines could not take over because humans had intelligence. Now there is a threat that these technologies can take over," he warned. Professor Hinton is considered one of the three "godfathers of artificial intelligence", along with Yann LeCun and Yoshua Bengio, after winning the Turing Award for their work in the field. Podeli:BEIRUT — Insurgents’ stunning march across Syria accelerated Saturday with news that they had reached the gates of the capital and that government forces had abandoned the central city of Homs. The government was forced to deny rumors that President Bashar Assad had fled the country. The loss of Homs is a potentially crippling blow for Assad. It stands at an important intersection between Damascus and Syria’s coastal provinces of Latakia and Tartus — the Syrian leader’s base of support and home to a Russian strategic naval base. The pro-government Sham FM reported that government forces took positions outside Syria’s third-largest city, without elaborating. Rami Abdurrahman, who heads the Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, said Syrian troops and members of different security agencies have withdrawn from the city, adding that rebels have entered parts of it. The capture of Homs is a major victory for insurgents, who have already seized the cities of Aleppo and Hama , as well as large parts of the south, in a lightning offensive that began Nov. 27. Analysts said Homs falling into rebel hands would be a game-changer. The rebels’ moves around Damascus, reported by the monitor and a rebel commander, came after the Syrian army withdrew from much of southern part of the country, leaving more areas, including several provincial capitals, under the control of opposition fighters. For the first time in the country’s long-running civil war, the government now has control of only three of 14 provincial capitals: Damascus, Latakia and Tartus. The advances in the past week were among the largest in recent years by opposition factions, led by a group that has its origins in al-Qaida and is considered a terrorist organization by the U.S. and the United Nations. In their push to overthrow Assad’s government, the insurgents, led by the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham group, or HTS, have met little resistance from the Syrian army. The rapid rebel gains, coupled with the lack of support from Assad’s erstwhile allies, posed the most serious threat to his rule since the start of the war. The U.N.’s special envoy for Syria, Geir Pedersen, on Saturday called for urgent talks in Geneva to ensure an “orderly political transition.” Speaking to reporters at the annual Doha Forum in Qatar, he said the situation in Syria was changing by the minute. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, whose country is Assad’s chief international backer, said he feels “sorry for the Syrian people.” In Damascus, people rushed to stock up on supplies. Thousands went to Syria’s border with Lebanon, trying to leave the country. Many shops in the capital were shuttered, a resident told The Associated Press, and those still open ran out of staples such as sugar. Some were selling items at three times the normal price. “The situation is very strange. We are not used to that,” the resident said, insisting on anonymity, fearing retributions. “People are worried whether there will be a battle (in Damascus) or not.” It was the first time that opposition forces reached the outskirts of Damascus since 2018, when Syrian troops recaptured the area following a yearslong siege. The U.N. said it was moving noncritical staff outside the country as a precaution. Syria’s state media denied social media rumors that Assad left the country, saying he is performing his duties in Damascus. He has had little, if any, help from his allies. Russia, is busy with its war in Ukraine . Lebanon’s Hezbollah, which at one point sent thousands of fighters to shore up Assad’s forces, has been weakened by a yearlong conflict with Israel. Iran has seen its proxies across the region degraded by regular Israeli airstrikes. U.S. President-elect Donald Trump on Saturday posted on social media that that the United States should avoid engaging militarily in Syria. Pedersen said a date for talks in Geneva on the implementation a U.N. resolution, adopted in 2015, and calling for a Syrian-led political process, would be announced later. The resolution calls for the establishment of a transitional governing body, followed by the drafting of a new constitution and ending with U.N.-supervised elections. Later Saturday, foreign ministers and senior diplomats from eight key countries, including Saudi Arabia, Russia, Egypt, Turkey and Iran, along with Pederson, gathered on the sidelines of the Doha Summit to discuss the situation in Syria. In a statement issued late Saturday, the participants affirmed their support for a political solution to the Syrian crisis “that would lead to the end of military activity and protect civilians.” They also agreed on the importance of strengthening international efforts to increase aid to the Syrian people. Rami Abdurrahman, who heads the Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, an opposition war monitor, said insurgents were in the Damascus suburbs of Maadamiyah, Jaramana and Daraya. Opposition fighters were marching toward the Damascus suburb of Harasta, he added. A commander with the insurgents, Hassan Abdul-Ghani, posted on the Telegram messaging app that opposition forces had begun the “final stage” of their offensive by encircling Damascus. HTS controls much of northwest Syria and in 2017 set up a “salvation government” to run day-to-day affairs in the region. In recent years, HTS leader Abu Mohammed al-Golani has sought to remake the group’s image, cutting ties with al-Qaida, ditching hard-line officials and vowing to embrace pluralism and religious tolerance. The shock offensive began Nov. 27, during which gunmen captured the northern city of Aleppo, Syria’s largest, and the central city of Hama , the country’s fourth largest city. Opposition activists said Saturday that a day earlier, insurgents entered Palmyra, which is home to invaluable archaeological sites had been in government hands since being taken from the Islamic State group in 2017. To the south, Syrian troops left much of the province of Quneitra including the main Baath City, activists said. Syrian Observatory said government troops have withdrawn from much of the two southern provinces. The Syrian army said in a statement that it carried out redeployment and repositioning in Sweida and Daraa after its checkpoints came under attack by “terrorists.” The army said it was setting up a “strong and coherent defensive and security belt in the area,” apparently to defend Damascus from the south. The Syrian government has referred to opposition gunmen as terrorists since conflict broke out in March 2011. The foreign ministers of Iran, Russia and Turkey, meeting in Qatar, called for an end to the hostilities. Turkey is a main backer of the rebels. Qatar’s top diplomat, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, criticized Assad for failing to take advantage of the lull in fighting in recent years to address the country’s underlying problems. “Assad didn’t seize this opportunity to start engaging and restoring his relationship with his people,” he said. Sheikh Mohammed said he was surprised by how quickly the rebels have advanced and said there is a real threat to Syria’s “territorial integrity.” He said the war could “damage and destroy what is left if there is no sense of urgency” to start a political process.By MICHAEL R. SISAK and JENNIFER PELTZ NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Donald Trump’s lawyers urged a judge again Friday to throw out his hush money conviction, balking at the prosecution’s suggestion of preserving the verdict by treating the case the way some courts do when a defendant dies. They called the idea “absurd.” Related Articles National Politics | Trump wants to turn the clock on daylight saving time National Politics | Ruling by a conservative Supreme Court could help blue states resist Trump policies National Politics | A nonprofit leader, a social worker: Here are the stories of the people on Biden’s clemency list National Politics | Nancy Pelosi hospitalized after she ‘sustained an injury’ on official trip to Luxembourg National Politics | Veteran Daniel Penny, acquitted in NYC subway chokehold, will join Trump’s suite at football game The Manhattan district attorney’s office is asking Judge Juan M. Merchan to “pretend as if one of the assassination attempts against President Trump had been successful,” Trump’s lawyers wrote in a blistering 23-page response. In court papers made public Tuesday, District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s office proposed an array of options for keeping the historic conviction on the books after Trump’s lawyers filed paperwork earlier this month asking for the case to be dismissed. They include freezing the case until Trump leaves office in 2029, agreeing that any future sentence won’t include jail time, or closing the case by noting he was convicted but that he wasn’t sentenced and his appeal wasn’t resolved because of presidential immunity. Trump lawyers Todd Blanche and Emil Bove reiterated Friday their position that the only acceptable option is overturning his conviction and dismissing his indictment, writing that anything less will interfere with the transition process and his ability to lead the country. The Manhattan district attorney’s office declined comment. It’s unclear how soon Merchan will decide. He could grant Trump’s request for dismissal, go with one of the prosecution’s suggestions, wait until a federal appeals court rules on Trump’s parallel effort to get the case moved out of state court, or choose some other option. In their response Friday, Blanche and Bove ripped each of the prosecution’s suggestions. Halting the case until Trump leaves office would force the incoming president to govern while facing the “ongoing threat” that he’ll be sentenced to imprisonment, fines or other punishment as soon as his term ends, Blanche and Bove wrote. Trump, a Republican, takes office Jan. 20. “To be clear, President Trump will never deviate from the public interest in response to these thuggish tactics,” the defense lawyers wrote. “However, the threat itself is unconstitutional.” The prosecution’s suggestion that Merchan could mitigate those concerns by promising not to sentence Trump to jail time on presidential immunity grounds is also a non-starter, Blanche and Bove wrote. The immunity statute requires dropping the case, not merely limiting sentencing options, they argued. Blanche and Bove, both of whom Trump has tabbed for high-ranking Justice Department positions, expressed outrage at the prosecution’s novel suggestion that Merchan borrow from Alabama and other states and treat the case as if Trump had died. Blanche and Bove accused prosecutors of ignoring New York precedent and attempting to “fabricate” a solution “based on an extremely troubling and irresponsible analogy between President Trump” who survived assassination attempts in Pennsylvania in July and Florida in September “and a hypothetical dead defendant.” Such an option normally comes into play when a defendant dies after being convicted but before appeals are exhausted. It is unclear whether it is viable under New York law, but prosecutors suggested that Merchan could innovate in what’s already a unique case. “This remedy would prevent defendant from being burdened during his presidency by an ongoing criminal proceeding,” prosecutors wrote in their filing this week. But at the same time, it wouldn’t “precipitously discard” the “meaningful fact that defendant was indicted and found guilty by a jury of his peers.” Prosecutors acknowledged that “presidential immunity requires accommodation” during Trump’s impending return to the White House but argued that his election to a second term should not upend the jury’s verdict, which came when he was out of office. Longstanding Justice Department policy says sitting presidents cannot face criminal prosecution . Other world leaders don’t enjoy the same protection. For example, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is on trial on corruption charges even as he leads that nation’s wars in Lebanon and Gaza . Trump has been fighting for months to reverse his May 30 conviction on 34 counts of falsifying business records . Prosecutors said he fudged the documents to conceal a $130,000 payment to porn actor Stormy Daniels to suppress her claim that they had sex a decade earlier, which Trump denies. In their filing Friday, Trump’s lawyers citing a social media post in which Sen. John Fetterman used profane language to criticize Trump’s hush money prosecution. The Pennsylvania Democrat suggested that Trump deserved a pardon, comparing his case to that of President Joe Biden’s pardoned son Hunter Biden, who had been convicted of tax and gun charges . “Weaponizing the judiciary for blatant, partisan gain diminishes the collective faith in our institutions and sows further division,” Fetterman wrote Wednesday on Truth Social. Trump’s hush money conviction was in state court, meaning a presidential pardon — issued by Biden or himself when he takes office — would not apply to the case. Presidential pardons only apply to federal crimes. Since the election, special counsel Jack Smith has ended his two federal cases , which pertained to Trump’s efforts to overturn his 2020 election loss and allegations that he hoarded classified documents at his Mar-a-Lago estate. A separate state election interference case in Fulton County, Georgia, is largely on hold. Trump denies wrongdoing in all. Trump had been scheduled for sentencing in the hush money case in late November. But following Trump’s Nov. 5 election victory, Merchan halted proceedings and indefinitely postponed the former and future president’s sentencing so the defense and prosecution could weigh in on the future of the case. Merchan also delayed a decision on Trump’s prior bid to dismiss the case on immunity grounds. A dismissal would erase Trump’s conviction, sparing him the cloud of a criminal record and possible prison sentence. Trump is the first former president to be convicted of a crime and the first convicted criminal to be elected to the office.

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