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NEW ORLEANS (AP) — A scruffy little fugitive is on the lam again in New Orleans, gaining fame as he outwits a tenacious band of citizens armed with night-vision binoculars, nets and a tranquilizer rifle. Scrim, a 17-pound mutt that's mostly terrier, has become a folk hero, inspiring tattoos, T-shirts and even a ballad as he eludes capture from the posse of volunteers. And like any antihero, Scrim has a backstory: Rescued from semi-feral life at a trailer park and adopted from a shelter, the dog broke loose in April and scurried around the city until he was cornered in October and brought to a new home. Weeks later, he'd had enough. Scrim leaped out of a second-story window, a desperate act recorded in a now-viral video. Since then, despite a stream of daily sightings, he's roamed free. The dog’s fans include Myra and Steve Foster, who wrote “Ode to Scrim” to the tune of Ricky Nelson’s 1961 hit, “I’m a Travelin’ Man.” Leading the recapture effort is Michelle Cheramie, a 55-year-old former information technology professional. She lost everything — home, car, possessions — in Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and in the aftermath, found her calling rescuing pets. “I was like, ‘This is what I should be doing,’” Cheramie said. “I was born to rescue.” She launched Zeus’ Rescues, a nonprofit shelter that now averages 600 cat and dog adoptions a year and offers free pet food to anyone who needs it. She helped Scrim find the home he first escaped from. It was Cheramie's window Scrim leaped from in November. She's resumed her relentless mission since then, posting flyers on telephone poles and logging social media updates on his reported whereabouts. She's invested thousands of dollars on wildlife cameras, thermal sensors and other gear. She took a course offered by the San Diego Zoo on the finer points of tranquilizing animals. And she's developed a network of volunteers — the kind of neighbors who are willing to grid-search a city at 3 a.m. People like writer David W. Brown, who manages a crowd-sourced Google Map of all known Scrim sightings. He says the search has galvanized residents from all walks of life to come together. As they search for Scrim, they hand out supplies to people in need. “Being a member of the community is seeing problems and doing what you can to make life a little better for the people around here and the animals around you,” Brown said. And neighbors like Tammy Murray, who had to close her furniture store and lost her father to Parkinson's disease. This search, she says, got her mojo back. “Literally, for months, I’ve done nothing but hunt this dog,” said Murray, 53. “I feel like Wile E. Coyote on a daily basis with him.” Murray drives the Zeus' Rescues' van towards reported Scrim sightings. She also handles a tactical net launcher, which looks like an oversized flashlight and once misfired, shattering the van's window as Scrim sped away. Story continues below video After realizing Scrim had come to recognize the sound of the van's diesel engine, Murray switched to a Vespa scooter, for stealth. Near-misses have been tantalizing. The search party spotted Scrim napping beneath an elevated house, and wrapped construction netting around the perimeter, but an over-eager volunteer broke ranks and dashed forward, leaving an opening Scrim slipped through. Scrim's repeated escapades have prompted near-daily local media coverage and a devoted online following. Cheramie can relate. “We’re all running from something or to something. He's doing that too,” she said. Cheramie's team dreams of placing the pooch in a safe and loving environment. But a social media chorus growing under the hashtag #FreeScrim has other ideas — they say the runaway should be allowed a life of self-determination. The animal rescue volunteers consider that misguided. “The streets of New Orleans are not the place for a dog to be free,” Cheramie said. “It’s too dangerous.” Scrim was a mess when Cheramie briefly recaptured him in October, with matted fur, missing teeth and a tattered ear. His trembling body was scraped and bruised, and punctured by multiple projectiles. A vet removed one, but decided against operating to take out a possible bullet. The dog initially appeared content indoors, sitting in Cheramie's lap or napping beside her bed. Then while she was out one day, Scrim chewed through a mesh screen, dropped 13 feet to the ground and squeezed through a gap in the fence, trotting away. Murray said Cheramie's four cats probably spooked him. “I wholeheartedly believe the gangster-ass cats were messing with him,” Murray said. Cheramie thinks they may have gotten territorial. Devastated but undeterred, the pair is reassessing where Scrim might fit best — maybe a secure animal sanctuary with big outdoor spaces where other dogs can keep him company. Somewhere, Murray says, “where he can just breathe and be.” Brook is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues. Follow Brook on the social platform X: @jack_brook96Mayfield throws 5 TD passes and Bucs keep playoff, NFC South hopes alive with 48-14 rout of Panthers
By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Related Articles Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
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Green Bay head coach Doug Gottlieb appears to have gotten through to guard Anthony Roy. The Phoenix head coach elected to bench his leading scorer if Roy didn't start playing Gottlieb's way. This was seen during Saturday's game against Cleveland State when Roy did not see the court. Following the game, Gottlieb addressed the elephant in the room and explain why he did not play Roy. "I owe it to the guys to play the guys that do what we ask them to do," Gottlieb said. "There's things that transpired that I don't find appropriate to play today and I made the personal decision to not play him. I know how I want to do it and too many times in my life and too many times in the last six months I have acquiesced." He then elaborated by comparing running the program to building a dream house, saying that he was going to do it "the right way." Following the game, Roy took to X to apologize for his actions that included missing the shoot-around prior to the game: Roy is in his first season with Green Bay and has averaged 28 points, 5.9 rebounds and 3.2 assists in nine games. He is currently the leading scorer in college basketball. However, the win over Cleveland State was just Green Bay's second of the season so Roy's high-volume scoring wasn't necessarily contributing to team success. He will hope to draw back into the lineup going forward and help the Phoenix capture some more success down the stretch.
Saquon Barkley has become the Shohei Ohtani of the NFL. There's no better home run hitter playing football right now. Barkley had touchdown runs of 72 and 70 yards for the Philadelphia Eagles in a 37-20 victory over the Los Angeles Rams on Sunday night. He now has five runs of 50-plus yards this season and is on pace to break Eric Dickerson's single-season record of 2,105 yards set in 1984. Barkley's historic performance against the Rams — his 255 yards set a team record — captivated a national audience and turned him into a fan favorite for the AP NFL MVP award. He's not the betting favorite, however. Josh Allen has the best odds at plus-150, according to Bet MGM Sportsbook. Two-time MVP Lamar Jackson is next at plus-250 followed by Barkley at plus-400. Running backs have won the award 18 times, including three-time winner Jim Brown, who was the AP's first NFL MVP in 1957. Quarterbacks have dominated the award, winning it 45 times. Only three players who weren't QBs or RBs have been MVP. It takes a special season for a non-QB to win it mainly because the offense goes through the signal caller. Quarterbacks handle the ball every offensive snap, run the show and get the credit when things go well and the blame when it doesn't. Adrian Peterson was the most recent non-QB to win it when he ran for 2,097 yards and 12 touchdowns for the Minnesota Vikings in 2012. Playing for a winning team matters, too. Nine of the past 11 winners played for a No. 1 seed with the other two winners on a No. 2 seed. The Vikings earned the sixth seed when Pederson was MVP. Barkley is a major reason why the Eagles (9-2) are leading the NFC East and only trail Detroit (10-1) by one game for the top spot in the conference. Does he have a realistic chance to win the MVP award? Kicker Mark Moseley was the MVP in the strike-shortened 1982 season when he made 20 of 21 field goals and 16 of 19 extra points in nine games for Washington. If voters once selected a kicker, everyone has a chance, especially a game-changer such as Barkley. Defensive tackle Alan Page was the MVP in 1971 and linebacker Lawrence Taylor won it in 1986. Running back Christian McCaffrey finished third in voting last year and wide receiver Justin Jefferson placed fifth in 2022. The Offensive Player of the Year award and Defensive Player of the Year award recognize the best all-around players on both sides of the ball, allowing voters to recognize non-QBs if they choose. Wide receivers and running backs have won the AP OPOY award seven times over the past 11 seasons. McCaffrey was the 2023 winner. The AP's new voting format introduced in 2022 also gives non-QBs a better opportunity to get MVP recognition. Voter submit their top five picks for each award, with a weighted point system. Previously, voters made one choice for each award. A nationwide panel of 50 media members who regularly cover the league vote for MVP and seven other awards. The awards are based on regular-season performance. The Chiefs (10-1) and Bills (9-2) already are in position to lock up postseason berths right after Thanksgiving. Kansas City clinches a playoff berth with a win over Las Vegas on Black Friday and a loss by Miami on Thursday night, or a win plus a loss by Denver on Monday night. Buffalo can wrap up a fifth straight AFC East title with a victory over San Francisco on Sunday and a loss by the Dolphins. It's not a given that the Dallas Cowboys will be looking for a new head coach after this season. Owner Jerry Jones said Tuesday on local radio that Mike McCarthy could end up getting a contract extension. "I don't think that's crazy at all. This is a Super Bowl-winning coach. Mike McCarthy has been there and done that. He has great ideas. We got a lot of football left," Jones said. McCarthy led the Cowboys (4-7) to three straight 12-win seasons, but they went 1-3 in the playoffs and haven't reached the NFC championship game since winning the Super Bowl 29 years ago. Injuries have contributed to the team's struggles this season, but Dallas was just 3-5 before Dak Prescott was lost for the rest of the season. The Cowboys upset Washington last week and their next four games are against teams that currently have losing records. If they somehow end up 9-8 or even 8-9, Jones could make a case for keeping McCarthy. Get local news delivered to your inbox!
But the City boss has vowed to stay on and lift the club back to the top even if they are sent all the way down to the National League. Guardiola ended speculation over his immediate future this week by extending his contract, which had been due to expire at the end of the season, through to the summer of 2027. That has given the club some stability at a time of great uncertainty as they fight 115 charges related to alleged breaches of the Premier League’s financial regulations. City have denied all wrongdoing but their punishment if found guilty could be severe, with demotion even a possibility. Guardiola has strongly defended the club in the past and is happy to continue doing so. The Spaniard said: “I don’t enjoy it, I prefer not to be in that position, but once it’s there I love it because, when you believe in your club, and the people there – I believe what they say to me and the reasons why. “I cannot say yet because we’re awaiting the sentence in February or March – I don’t know when – but at the same time, I like it. “I read something about the situation and how you need to be relegated immediately. Seventy-five per cent of the clubs want it, because I know what they do behind the scenes and this sort of stuff. “I said when all the clubs accused us of doing something wrong, (and people asked) what happens if we are relegated, (I said) I will be here. “Next year, I don’t know the position of the Conference they are going to (put) us, (but) we are going to come up and come up and come back to the Premier League. I knew it then and I feel it now.” The immediate priority for Guardiola, who said his contract negotiations were completed in “just two hours”, is to arrest a run of four successive defeats in all competitions. Yet, ahead of their return to action against Tottenham at the Etihad Stadium on Saturday, the champions continue to grapple with a lengthy injury list. Mateo Kovacic is their latest casualty after sustaining a knock on international duty that could keep him out for up to a month. On the positive side, defenders Nathan Ake, John Stones and Manuel Akanji could feature and Jack Grealish is also closing in on a return after a month out. Much to Guardiola’s frustration, Grealish was called up by England for their recent Nations League games, although he later withdrew. Guardiola said: “I want the best for Jack and I want the best for Jack with the national team but the doctor said to me that he was not ready to play. “I know (England) want him but they have 200 players to select from and Jack was not fit. He had to recover from many things.” Kyle Walker played for England against both Greece and the Republic of Ireland despite limited game time since suffering injury in the October international break. Guardiola said: “If he is fit I like him to play in the national team. It is not a problem, don’t misunderstand me. “Kyle has a dream to make 100 caps for the national team. Do I want to cancel this dream? Absolutely not. “But if you are not fit, if you cannot play here, you cannot play for the national team. It is quite obvious.”
Burrow believes Bengals can keep HigginsWith the 2025 session just around the corner, legislative leaders from the four caucuses have expressed their varying views on the causes of Washington state’s projected $10 billion to $12 billion operating budget deficit, including how to address the gap. Those differences were articulated during a legislative preview at Tuesday’s Washington Observer 2024 Re-Wire Conference in Tacoma, which brought together state elected officials and others to discuss political hot topics. The state Office of Financial Management projects an operating budget deficit of between $10 billion and $12 billion over the next four years, despite the state’s record $72 billion budget. OFM blames slowing revenue forecasts, rising costs and expanding need for the looming budget gap. Democratic legislative leaders seemed to buy that rationale. “The first step ... is that we are going to need to scrub the budget,” Senate Majority Leader Jamie Pedersen, D-Seattle, said. He went on to reference a Nov. 8 memo by the OFM director. “And Gov.[Jay] Inslee, of course, has asked, and Pat Sullivan as the OFM director [has] asked agencies to do a serious scrub of their budgets and propose cuts, right?” Pedersen said. Earlier this month, Inslee issued a directive freezing hiring, services contracts, goods and equipment purchases, and travel. House Majority Leader Joe Fitzgibbon, D-Burien, blamed rising costs for the budget shortfall. “Our budget situation is driven by a number of factors,” he said, going on to note that “the cost of maintaining a strong workforce is growing in our state.” That includes escalating prices related to health care, child care, housing and transportation, Fitzgibbon explained. Republican legislative leaders had a different take. “It’s not as if this economic crisis, if you may, just dropped in our laps,” House Minority Caucus Chair Peter Abbarno, R-Centralia, said. “We saw it coming. There were red flags and people warned us about this, that we shouldn’t be creating new programs with unsustainable revenue sources, and now we’re stuck creating a bureaucracy that we’re going to have to start cutting back on.” Deputy Senate Majority Leader Chris Gildon, R-Puyallup, also expressed skepticism regarding the nature of the budget deficit, referencing the fact that revenues for 2025-2027 are forecasted to be more than $5 billion higher than 2023–2025 revenues. “Just to be clear, we don’t have a shortfall of revenue,” he said. “We will have about 5 billion more dollars next budget cycle than we had the last budget cycle – 5 billion more dollars, okay?” Gildon said he does not know where the projected shortfall comes from specifically because he hasn’t seen a line-by-line accounting of the budget. Potential solutions to the budget deficit generally broke down along party lines. “If revenue is paired with important purposes, then I think we have a signal from the voters that they’re willing to accept that, and they largely upheld the work that we’ve done over the last six years,” Pedersen said, a reference to voters’ rejection of three initiatives on the fall ballot that would have repealed Washington’s capital gains tax, repealed the Climate Commitment Act, and allowed anyone to opt out of the WA Cares Fund, which provides money for long-term care insurance. Pedersen went on to say, “So, you know, for those reasons, we are going to be seriously looking at a variety of options that might increase taxes on wealthy individuals and wealthy companies.” Revenue options will be considered, according to Fitzgibbon. “So, I think that means we will be pursuing revenue in our caucus, and we will be looking at the revenue options that ensure fairness,” he said. “Are there places where something is taxed but there’s a comparable service that is not being taxed where there is an inequity in how the tax is structured? Are there places where businesses or individuals with extraordinary wealth and extraordinary profits are not contributing their fair share to pay for those public services that our constituents rely on?” Abbarno said tax hikes are a bad idea. “Looking at efficiencies in government is going to be absolutely essential,” he said. State government should be focused on becoming more efficient, cutting waste and prioritizing spending, Abbarno stated. “At a time when people are struggling to make ends meet, looking at tax increases at any level, I think, is the wrong approach,” he said. Fitzgibbon wasn’t entirely unsympathetic, saying Democratic lawmakers would do what they could to “avoid making cuts or tax increases that do involve pain.” He explained, “I don’t think that there’s a scenario where you would see us get out of town without some cuts to the budget. I think within that we have to prioritize. We have to look at spending increases that are in law that haven’t taken effect yet. We have to look at things where one-time expenditures ... have continued and ask hard questions about whether or not those are delivering what they promised...” The 105-day 2025 legislative session convenes on Jan. 13.The Winnipeg Jets, owners of the highest point total (53) and the most wins (26) in the NHL, will host the struggling Nashville Predators on Monday. Winners of three straight, the Jets trailed the visiting Ottawa Senators 2-0 early in the second period on Saturday night before scoring four straight goals en route to a 4-2 victory. Kyle Connor and Mark Scheifele, Winnipeg's leading goal-producers with 22 apiece, tied the contest in the second period and Gabriel Vilardi and Nikolaj Ehlers scored within a span of 1:32 in the middle of the third period. Vilardi's winner came on the power play 9:47 into the third and was set up by a one-touch pass from Ehlers. "Our power play, when we play it the right way and play it fast, get pucks to the net and get some chaos going, that's when we're at our best," Ehlers said. "When we work it around slow, it's not very good. ... I think with the skill that we have on both our power plays, things will open up once you get that chaos going." Ehlers had two assists to go along with his goal while Scheifele and Connor each added an assist. Connor Hellebuyck made 33 saves for the Jets, who have points in seven of their last eight (6-1-1). "We didn't try to chase it, I think that was the biggest thing," said Scheifele, who has 10 goals and eight assists in his last 12 games. "When we got down 2-0, there was still lots of game left. Sometimes you can go and try to chase offense, but we just tried to stick to our game. We knew that if we did the right things over and over, good things would happen. It showed." Connor leads Winnipeg with 49 points, while Scheifele is second with 44. The Predators fell 7-4 to the St. Louis Blues on Friday night in St. Louis. Nashville was 3-0-1 in its previous four games before the loss. "There were some opportunities there to win the hockey game," Nashville coach Andrew Brunette said. "Unfortunately we did some things early in the game that was hard for us to come back and obviously taking a penalty there late, I thought we had good momentum. That one hurt. "I didn't like our mindset early in the game right from the first goal against. We didn't do that the whole (previous) homestand. ... We weren't playing quite as direct as we have been playing." The Blues scored the first two goals of the game and led 4-2 after the opening period. Steven Stamkos and Jonathan Marchessault each had a goal and Mark Jankowski and Nick Blankenburg also scored for the Predators. Juuse Saros gave up five goals on 15 shots before being replaced by Justus Annunen in the second period. Annunen made 12 saves. "It was just too sloppy early," Stamkos said. "I know it's coming off (the Christmas break), but those are the games you want to be on the right side of, to build the momentum off of what we did before the break. I thought it was a missed opportunity, but ... too sloppy with just giving them some chances with our own mistakes." This article first appeared on Field Level Media and was syndicated with permission.
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