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Anthony hits winning layup with 1.3 seconds left, Magic complete 17-point rally to beat Nets 102-101 ORLANDO, Fla. (AP) — Cole Anthony drove for a layup with 1.3 seconds left to complete the Orlando Magic's 17-point fourth-quarter comeback Sunday in a 102-101 win over the Brooklyn Nets. Cam Thomas missed a jumper from the corner at the final horn. Dick Scanlon, The Associated Press Dec 29, 2024 3:58 PM Dec 29, 2024 4:05 PM Share by Email Share on Facebook Share on X Share on LinkedIn Print Share via Text Message Brooklyn Nets guard Cam Thomas (24) and Orlando Magic guard Jett Howard, right, go after the ball during the first half of an NBA basketball game, Sunday, Dec. 29, 2024, in Orlando, Fla. (AP Photo/Kevin Kolczynski) ORLANDO, Fla. (AP) — Cole Anthony drove for a layup with 1.3 seconds left to complete the Orlando Magic's 17-point fourth-quarter comeback Sunday in a 102-101 win over the Brooklyn Nets. Cam Thomas missed a jumper from the corner at the final horn. Anthony scored 10, and Tristan da Silva scored 13 of his 21 points in the fourth quarter for Orlando, which was down 71-51 midway through the third quarter. Goga Bitadze added 19 points, 11 rebounds and five assists. The Magic's comeback was their second in eight days after Orlando rallied from 25 points down to beat Miami 121-114 on Dec. 21. Thomas came off the bench with 25 points to lead the Nets in his first game since Nov. 25. Jalen Wilson added 16 points including two free throws with 6.2 seconds left. Thomas, Brooklyn's leading scorer with 24.7 points per game, played 25 minutes after missing 13 games with a strained left hamstring. Takeaways Nets: Losing for the seventh time in nine games, the Nets played for the first time without Dorian Finney-Smith, who was traded early Sunday to the Los Angeles Lakers. In their four games against the Magic this season, the Nets used 11 different starters. Only Cam Johnson started all four games. Magic: The Magic completed a four-game season series sweep of the Nets and concluded a 3-4 holiday home stretch. They overcame double-digit second-half deficits in all three of their wins against Miami, Boston and Brooklyn. Key moment A 3-pointer by Anthony, who did not play in the first half, launched a 13-0 Orlando run after they had fallen behind by 20 points. Key stat The Nets shot 13 for 30 from 3-point range. Up next The Nets are at Toronto and the Magic are at Detroit on Wednesday night. ___ AP NBA: https://apnews.com/hub/nba Dick Scanlon, The Associated Press See a typo/mistake? Have a story/tip? This has been shared 0 times 0 Shares Share by Email Share on Facebook Share on X Share on LinkedIn Print Share via Text Message Get your daily Victoria news briefing Email Sign Up More Basketball Edwards fined $100,000 for profane language, NBA takes into account his history of profanity Dec 29, 2024 3:26 PM Timberwolves push back start time vs. Spurs because of issue with game court Dec 29, 2024 3:26 PM Lakers send D'Angelo Russell to Nets in trade for Dorian Finney-Smith, Shake Milton Dec 29, 2024 2:22 PMBy BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.bet99 app 。

It is a time when financial strategists and economic experts forecast what will happen in the coming year. Since most of Wall Street is trying to sell you something, prepare for a positive outlook from most firms. On practically the same date last year, I wrote that strategists were predicting the 2024 S&P 500 Index targets ranged from 4,200 to 5,500. Given that over a long period, the S&P 500 has delivered around 10.13 percent yearly returns since 1957, and 9.19 percent over the last 150 years, forecasts that mimic those returns should be ignored. Those forecasts told me the authors had no idea where the market was going. As such, they just took the historical average gain as their forecast, and very few were bearish for 2024. Overall, Wall Street did get the direction right, but the S&P 500 Index gained more than double their best forecasts. Most forecasters also expected the dollar to continue to decline, and interest rates as well. Neither happened. Given the track record, I would also take 2025's forecasts with a grain of salt. This year, the target range for the S&P 500 ranges from 6,400 to 7,007. This implies a return between +5 percent and +15 percent. The average of those two extremes is of course 10 percent. Need I say more? Unlike others, I usually refrain from forecasting where the S&P 500 will end up 12 months from now. There are just too many factors that can change my outlook along the way. So instead, I will focus on the risks and rewards I see for the markets. Inflation is one of my chief concerns. I expect the inflation rate to hit 2.9 percent next month and climb higher into the summer. That means to me that the markets should not expect the Fed to cut interest rates again for quite some time. That removes one major support for the markets. I do expect the economy to continue to grow but at a slower pace. As such, corporate earnings should grow along with the economy. In that environment, I do think that small-cap stocks will finally have their day in the sun. That is not a unique position. Most analysts in the financial community are recommending small-cap outperformance as well. On the political front, President-elect Donald Trump will be inheriting a strong economy, a robust employment picture, a strong dollar, reasonable interest rates, and a flattening inflation rate from the Biden administration. It is his to build upon or to squander. He will also face a historical debt burden that he will be forced to confront at some point. The prevailing sentiment among investors is that the incoming president will benefit the economy due to his stance on deregulation, efficiency, lower taxes, and lower interest rates. Despite his promise to levy blanket tariffs on the world, most U.S. traders believe that his threats are at most a negotiating tactic. I hope so. The rest of the world doesn't think that will be the case. Going into 2025, several major nations have already watched their currencies fall 8 to 9 percent against the dollar. That indicates to me that they think the tariff threats will be real and will bite, at least in the short term. I would expect that if the dollar does continue its climb in a tariff war, then Bitcoin, and possibly gold and other precious metals, will do so as well. That does not mean that cryptocurrencies will go straight up from here. I am looking for a deep Bitcoin pullback to the $86,000 to $74,000 range first. As for the market's overall performance, it would be rare to have another year like the last two years. That doesn't necessarily mean markets would be down, but a less robust performance would not surprise me. Equities usually have a period of consolidation beginning in the last part of January. I would watch out for that. In addition, in populist periods in the past, stock market performance between presidential election years has been dismal at least in the '60s into the '80s. However, right now, the Santa Claus rally is once again in play. The end-of-year flow of funds into equities is alive and well and should continue to support the market at least into January. During this period, Santa has delivered to the market a 1.3 percent gain on average since 1950. Happy New Year.

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