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How to Watch Top 25 Women’s College Basketball Games – Wednesday, November 27AMD is currently clearly ahead with the X3D desktop CPUs. Now the company has also tested its Ryzen AI 300 series processors for mobile devices against Intel’s competitor Lunar Lake. The results are clear... thanks to a ‘trick’. AMD recently achieved great success with the new Ryzen 7 9800X3D. The processor was so popular that it sold out worldwide within a few hours. It clearly leaves the new Ultra Core 9 285K from competitor Intel in the gaming area behind. Because Team Blue focuses more on efficiency and (gaming) performance with its new chips. But what about CPUs for mobile devices such as laptops? Intel was actually able to deliver convincing numbers here with Lunar Lake. Now, however, AMD has its very own conducted to show who can take the gaming crown. The Ryzen AI 9 HX 370 with integrated AMD Radeon 890M graphics was compared with the Intel Core Ultra 7 258V with Arc 140V graphics in several games at a resolution of 1080p and medium graphics settings. According to AMD, the results are quite clear. The Ryzen is said to be a whopping 75 percent faster on average than the Core Ultra. However, this number is not based on a robust comparison of the processors. The HX 370 was able to achieve significantly higher refresh rates than the 258V in the tested games such as Ghost of Tsushima, Far Cry 6 or Cyberpunk 2077, but only when using FSR 3 and Hyper-RX, AMD’s software acceleration. The technologies generate additional frames and improve the image. In games that do not support FSR 3, driver-based AFMF 2 imaging is used instead. Meanwhile, Intel’s technology called XeSS does not offer a function for generating additional images. So the comparison is flawed. However, if you look at the native performance of the two processors – i.e. the number of FPS achieved without software acceleration – the HX 370 and the 258V are equal in most cases. In some games such as Spiderman Remastered or Hitman 3, the Intel chip is even significantly ahead. Of course, most users will make use of AMD’s software acceleration whenever possible to maintain the additional FPS it generates. The comparison with applied software acceleration therefore probably corresponds most closely to the actual experience that gamers will have when playing with the processors. Nevertheless, the statement that the Ryzen AI 9 HX 370 is on average 75 percent faster in games than the Intel Core Ultra 7 258V is at least somewhat misleading. Research Snipers is currently covering all technology news including Google, Apple, Android, Xiaomi, Huawei, Samsung News, and More. Research Snipers has decade of experience in breaking technology news, covering latest trends in tech news, and recent developments.
Indiana should be able to breathe easy this week. It has very little chance of making it into the Big Ten championship game. On the other hand, Georgia's spot in the Southeastern Conference title game is so risky that if the Bulldogs lose they might have been better off sitting it out. Over the next two weeks, the warm familiarity of conference championship games, which began in 1992 thanks to the SEC, could run into the cold reality that comes with the first 12-team College Football Playoff. League title games give the nation's top contenders a chance to hang a banner and impress the CFP committee, but more than ever, the bragging rights come with the risk of a season-wrecking loss — even with an expanded field. “I just don’t think it’s a quality conversation,” Georgia coach Kirby Smart said last week, sticking with the time-honored cliche of looking no further than the next weekend's opponent. Those who want to have that talk, though, already know where Georgia stands. The Bulldogs (9-2) are ranked sixth in this week's AP Top 25 and projected somewhere near that in the next set of CFP rankings that come out Tuesday. They already have two losses and will have to beat No. 3 Texas or No. 20 Texas A&M in the SEC title game on Dec. 7 to avoid a third. How bad would a third loss hurt? The chairman of the selection committee insists that a team making a conference title game shouldn't count against it. What that really means won't be known until the games are played and the pairings come out on Dec. 8. "We're going to let the season play out," Michigan athletic director Warde Manuel said. “But I think teams who make that championship game, the committee looks at them and puts them in high esteem." All of which could be good news for Indiana in the unlikely event the Hoosiers find themselves playing for the Big Ten title. IU is coming off a flop in its first major test of the season, a 38-15 loss to Ohio State last weekend. After his team's first loss of the season, coach Curt Cignetti took offense to being asked whether the Hoosiers were still a playoff-caliber team. “Is that a serious question?” he asked. “I’m not even gonna answer that. The answer is so obvious.” What might hurt Indiana, which dropped five spots to No. 10 in the AP poll, would be another drubbing. The Hoosiers would be at least a two-touchdown underdog in a title-game matchup against top-ranked Oregon. The odds of that happening, however, are slim. It would take a Michigan upset over No. 2 Ohio State on Saturday, combined with a Maryland upset over No. 4 Penn State and, of course, an Indiana win over Purdue (1-10). Because this is the first year of the 12-team playoff, there's no perfect comparison to make. For instance, this is the first time Power Four conference champions are guaranteed a spot in the playoff. But 2017 provides a textbook example of how a team losing its conference title game suffered. That year, Alabama had one loss (to Auburn) and didn't play in the SEC title game, but made the four-team field ahead of Wisconsin, which was 12-1 after a loss to Ohio State in the Big Ten championship game. Ohio State didn't make it either — two losses didn't get teams into a four-team field. Neither did undefeated UCF. Saturday's results made things a little more clear for the rest of the conferences: — In the Big 12, winning the title game will probably be the only way for Arizona State (9-2), BYU (9-2), Iowa State (9-2), Colorado (8-3) or anyone else to earn a spot in the 12-team playoff. None are ranked higher than 14th in the AP poll. — The Atlantic Coast Conference could get multiple bids. Miami (10-1), SMU (10-1) and Clemson (9-2) all finished in the top 12 of this week's AP poll. They were cheering the loudest when both Alabama and Ole Miss suffered their third losses of the season. — The Mountain West would be a one-bid conference, but that's only a sure thing if Boise State wins. A loss by the Broncos could open the CFP for Tulane or Army of the American Athletic. Both the MWC and AAC title games take place at 8 p.m. on Dec. 6. — Where the committee places Alabama and Ole Miss on Tuesday will be an indicator of what it thinks of teams with three losses that played very strong schedules. — It could also set the stakes for Georgia, which faces the prospect of loss No. 3 in the Dec. 7 title game, assuming the Bulldogs beat rival Georgia Tech this week. — Clemson has been steadily climbing. Its 34-3 loss to Georgia came on Aug. 31. Is it ancient history to the committee, though? — Indiana's status as a playoff team — in, out, nervous? — will become apparent. The Ohio State game was Indiana's first against a top-flight opponent. Then again, it is the Hoosiers' only loss and their weak Big Ten schedule is not their fault. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.
International Disruptors: Congolese Rumba Star Fally Ipupa & Writer-Director Hamed Mobasser Talk Importance Of Portraying Congo “In A New Light” For ‘Rumba Royale’Congolese rumba is largely considered one of the most influential genres of African music and dance. It is deep-rooted in Congo’s anti-colonial fight of the 20th century, when the country was under Belgium’s rule until it achieved independence from the European nation in 1960. In 2022, the genre even earned UNESCO-protected status, making Congolese rumba a rich part of the nation’s history books and spawning stars such as Papa Wemba, Koffi Olomide and Fally Ipupa, the latter of whom is currently one of the genre’s biggest stars across Africa and the African diaspora. Frequently referred to as the “Prince of Rumba,” Ipupa’s songs have nearly a million monthly listeners on Spotify, and he’s been nominated three times for the BET Awards’ Best International Act and won multiple MTV Africa Music and African Muzik Magazine awards. So, when the African superstar was approached to star in , an ambitious 1950s Congo-set movie that has rumba at its heart, he jumped at the opportunity. “One of the main reasons I was drawn to this movie is because of the story and how it represents Congo and portrays rumba music,” Ipupa tells Deadline of his first film role. “I was keen to be a part of something that could offer up something about our pop culture from a historical point of view and show Congo in a new light.” Dubbed a historical thriller, is set in 1959 Leopoldville, the former capital of Belgian Congo (which is now called Kinshasa), a time when the pulsating rhythms of rumba set nightlife alight. The story takes place around the Club Rumba Royale, where white Europeans and Congolese citizens rub shoulders, and where the captivating melodies of rumba merge with aspirations and fiery debates of independence. The plot unfolds through the lives of four central characters, each woven into the fabric of a city on the brink of change: Daniel (Ipupa), the bohemian photographer yearning for recognition; Olive (Melanie Bokata), the vivacious waitress caught between dreams and harsh realities; Sese (Patrick Kabundi), the jovial manager of the Rumba Royale; and Amandine (Cécile Djunga), the seemingly discreet figure orchestrating both the music and struggle for independence. As their fates converge at the heart of the club, their stories intertwine in a journey filled with love, politics and the strength of the human spirit. The project is the brainchild of writers Kevin Dwyer and Hamed Mobasser. Mobasser, who is a Belgian diplomat currently based in Washington D.C., also co-directs the film alongside Congolese helmer Yohane Dean Lengol. Dwyer and Mobasser first met in Brussels, when they both belonged to the Brussels Writers’ Circle, a collective of English-language writers in the city. When Mobasser was stationed at the Belgian embassy in Kinshasa from 2020 to 2024, he met a variety of different artists in the region and ended up making a short film, an experience that gave him exposure to the local, burgeoning industry. “We had this idea of trying to see if we could make something work in Congo with a reasonably low budget given that the film industry is still in its infancy there,” he says. “At the same time, we found we could work with very talented people who had been self-taught and were experimenting.” Both Mobasser and Dwyer then came across the work of a number of African photographers who had been working before Congo’s independence in 1960, notably the work of Congolese photographer Jean de Parva, who roamed the rumba clubs of Leopoldville at the time. “If you look him up, you’ll see magnificent pictures of the 1950s and the clubs there, which were full of white people – the Colonials – and black locals,” says Mobasser. “It could give you a false impression of an equal society where people hung out and partied and danced together.” Mobasser, who is of Belgian and Iranian decent, recalls thinking about this period of time in Congo’s history and was surprised that, for a nation of nearly 100 million people, Congo “didn’t really have many images of themselves in terms of pop culture from the past.” “It’s an odd thing for me,” he admits, harkening to his Iranian heritage which has a rich history of cinema. “When you ask the Congolese if they can name Congolese movies that they’ve seen, most people I have talked to couldn’t name more than a handful of movies.” Both Mobasser and Dwyer felt compelled to make a Congo-set movie that would ultimately be what they consider a “declaration of love to art of photography, fashion and the vibrant notes of Congolese rumba while, at its heart, offering a narrative of Congolese characters that are often overlooked by popular visual culture.” The pair were soon able to attach local director Lengol to co-direct the feature with Mobasser as well as rumba superstar Ipupa. “Fally specifically didn’t want to play a musician in the film,” says Mobasser. “He wanted to act and that’s why he plays Daniel, the main photographer.” Shot in Kinshasa by a Congolese technical crew, the film is laden with local talent including the music, which is composed by Congolese artists. While it’s set during a specific place and time in history, Ipupa notes that it was important that the film doesn’t focus too much on the political history of Congo, but rather has a nod to it. “We’ve stayed far away from politics, which I think is important,” says Ipupa. “We touch on it at the beginning when we talk about the independence but that’s it.” Mobasser adds that the focus was to “stay historically correct.” “We didn’t shy away from covering things that are facts or things that happened historically, but we do not go into a political subject matter either,” he says. “It just doesn’t fit the theme of the movie.” Both Mobasser and Ipupa are hopeful that the project, which is currently in post-production, is going to resonate with local Congolese audiences, especially given Ipupa’s big profile but there is a big desire for this film to breakout to international audiences. “We’d love for this to have a festival run in some way,” notes Mobasser. “People are going to love this movie in Congo,” says Ipupa. “I think they are going to be surprised in a good way and I’m hoping my position in Congo is going to attract people to it. It’s one of the two or three of the biggest projects to come out of Congo – maybe not in terms of budget, but in terms of ambition and a lot of people have put in a lot of work here. We had a vision, and we knew what we wanted to present and the story we wanted to tell so we are confident this will resonate with local audiences.” He continues: “Congo, as an industry, is growing. There are a lot of new talented Congolese directors, technicians, crew and writers. In all sections of the film industry, there are new and talented people cropping up. The reality is the industry is not there yet.” Ipupa notes that given the current lack of infrastructure, it wouldn’t be possible to make more than one or two films in Kinshasa at the same time. “You just wouldn’t have enough crew at the right level,” he says. While he’s encouraged about the presence of streaming platforms in Africa across the last few years, he’s hopeful that this will grow. “It’s time these platforms take more of an interest in a market that is very big and untapped,” he says. “I’m really happy to see that there are some African talents that make it on to these platforms, but our continent is full of them and it’s important to give a space to these voices.” “My hope with is that the Congolese audience take away a sense of pride,” says Mobasser. “The Congolese are some of the nicest and most wonderful people I’ve met, and I hope that when they watch the film, they have a sense of pride in themselves, their history and their people. Having this representation of Congolese rumba on screen is really important. Fally is the face of Congolese rumba today and I’m happy he’s allowed us to create that bridge for Congolese audiences.” He continues: “For international audiences, it’s really a universal story that we are hopeful will offer viewers a rare look into a Congolese cinematic landscape, where productions of this period of history are rare.” Sign up for . For the latest news, follow us on , , and .Ford government plans to fast-track supervised consumption site ban through legislature
Lakers may acquire Nuggets' $179 million star by parting with Austin Reaves | Sporting NewsAs part of plans to increase agricultural production and reduce post-harvest losses, the Niger State government has entered into a partnership with Chinese Special Agro-industrial Processing Zone facilities in Chengdu, Mianyang, and De Yang City, all within Sichuan Province, to acquire more knowledge to improve the quality of agricultural products. Speaking to newsmen after their recent visit to China, the Secretary to the State Government, Abubakar Usman, said the arrangements could enhance food security, reduce poverty, and improve the livelihoods of the citizens. The SSG, who led the delegation’s visit to the established Special Agro-industrial Processing Zone facilities in Chengdu, Mianyang, and De Yang City, said the visit aimed to facilitate knowledge sharing, technology transfer, and investment opportunities. Usman added, “By learning from China’s successful experiences in agro-industrial processing, we can enhance our own capabilities, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth.” “The visit also presents an opportunity for us as a government to agree on terms of engagement for the already established designated Niger State Special Agro-industrial Processing Zone Corridor.” The Secretary to the Niger State government further stated that the corridor has the potential to attract significant investments, promote agricultural development, and increase the state’s competitiveness in the global market. He said, “In the long run, the visit can contribute to the State’s economic growth by enhancing agricultural productivity and adopting modern agro-industrial processing technologies. “The State can increase its agricultural productivity, reduce post-harvest losses, and improve the quality of agricultural products. Speaking on attracting investments, Commissioner of Industry, Trade, and Investment, Aminu Suleiman Takuma, said, “The visit can attract Chinese investments in Niger State’s agro-industrial sector, thereby creating jobs and stimulating economic growth. “As part of plans to promote economic diversification, the government is developing an agro-industrial sector to reduce dependence on oil revenues, promote economic diversification, and increase our resilience to external shocks. “That way, we can improve food security, increase agricultural productivity, and improve food processing capabilities. “I assure you that Niger State can enhance food security, reduce poverty, and improve the livelihoods of our citizens.”
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Nokia Corporation: Repurchase of own shares on 27.11.2024President-elect Donald Trump helped pen business advice in his 1987 book "The Art of the Deal" that has echoed throughout his posture on tariffs, from his first term to today: "Leverage: don't make deals without it." On Monday evening, Trump announced that he plans to use executive orders to impose a 25% tariff on all goods from Mexico and Canada on his . He said in a post on Truth Social that the tariffs "will remain in effect until such time as Drugs, in particular Fentanyl, and all Illegal Aliens stop this Invasion of our Country!" Though Trump promised to implement harsh tariffs throughout the campaign, actions from his first term indicate that the sweeping threat — which has reverberated throughout and like auto — might be a version of Trump's long-favored "leverage." In June of 2019, Trump threatened tariffs against Mexico if the country didn't alter its immigration system, which it eventually . "That was in a sense analogous to what he's doing now outside of economics, when he's talking about fentanyl and he's demanding more control of people coming to the border," Robert Lawrence, a professor of international trade and investment and a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, told Business Insider. "Were the tariffs the reason the Mexicans became more compliant? I don't know, but he certainly did use that as a threat." Lawrence added that the threat of tariffs is effective rhetorically right now, particularly for people in the European Union who doubted Trump's willingness to follow through on his word. Trump also used tariffs as "leverage" when renegotiating the North American Free Trade agreement, Mark Blyth, a political economist at Brown University, told BI. Blyth said that Trump is notably unpredictable and that, until he steps into the White House again on January 20, people can only speculate about what promises he'll follow through on. "We're all shadow boxing. We're jumping at the show: 'Look, he's going to do this! He says he's going to do this!'" Blyth said. "He's still got to get in, he's still got to form his . He's got to put in these people and then he can do stuff." According to a report from the , tariffs set important context for the NAFTA renegotiations, and Mexico and Canada likely wouldn't have come to the negotiating table without them. But the report concludes that using tariffs-as-leverage do not necessarily result in significantly more favorable trade relations, though they do succeed in getting "other countries' attention." While are taking Trump's threats seriously, some banking leaders seem to think that Trump's most recent tariff threat is a continuation of his prior negotiation tactic. "This is President Trump's negotiating style: step one, punch in the face, step two, let's negotiate," Kieran Calder, the head of equity research for Asia at Union Bancaire Privée, said, according to . In a report published Tuesday morning, said that "the timing and narrow focus of the latest threat suggest scope for negotiation." By focusing on non-trade issues — immigration and drugs — Trump is suggesting that the tariffs are transactional, focused more on gaining the upper hand than implementing long-term tariffs, the authors argue. The global head for emerging markets strategy at Citi Bank, Luis Costa, spoke on on Tuesday morning to make a similar point in relation to Mexico. "To us, it is absolutely obvious that the Trump administration will use tariffs as one important lever to negotiate with Sheinbaum's government," he said. "It is probably something that is more about negotiation rather than about imposing tariffs." And Trump's own nominee for Treasury secretary, , published an earlier this month arguing that the president-elect uses "tariffs as a negotiating tool with our trading partners." A spokesperson from the Trump transition team told BI in a statement that "in his first term, President Trump instituted tariffs against China that created jobs, spurred investment, and resulted in no inflation." Read the original article on
BEIRUT/LONDON: The world has largely welcomed a ceasefire deal which ends 13 months of fighting betrween Israel and Hezbollah that has claimed the lives of at least 3,700 Lebanese and more than 130 Israelis. The deal between the governments of Israel and Lebanon, brokered by the US and France, came into effect on Wednesday at 4 a.m. local time. From the Israeli army’s perspective, the war in Lebanon was coming to a point of diminishing returns. It has succeeded in weakening Hezbollah’s military standing and eliminating its top leadership but has been unable to wipe it out entirely. For its part, Hezbollah has been seriously debilitated in Lebanon; the war has eroded its military capabilities and left it rudderless. Looking at it optimistically, the diplomatic breakthrough — which unfolded on Tuesday night as Israel unleashed a barrage of bombs on central Beirut — could be the beginning of the end of the long-standing “Israel-Iran shadow war,” as a new administration prepares to assume power in Washington. Hezbollah and the Israeli military began to exchange cross-border fire on Oct. 8, 2023, one day after Israel launched its assault on the Gaza Strip in retaliation for a deadly Hamas-led attack. The conflict dramatically escalated on Sept. 23 this year, when Israel began heavily bombing several parts of Lebanon, including Hezbollah’s stronghold in the south. The airstrikes killed thousands of Lebanese, displaced some 1.2 million others, flattened residential buildings, and devastated 37 villages. While the ceasefire deal calls for a 60-day halt in hostilities, President Joe Biden said that it “was designed to be a permanent cessation of hostilities.” Negotiators have described it as laying the groundwork for a lasting truce. Under the terms of the deal, Hezbollah will remove its fighters and arms from the region between the Blue Line and the Litani River, while Israeli troops will withdraw from Lebanese territory during the specified period. Thousands of Lebanese troops and UN peacekeepers will deploy to the region south of the Litani River. A US-led international panel will oversee compliance from all sides. However, uncertainty persists, as both Hezbollah and Israel have warned that they will resume fire if the other party breaches the agreement. Hezbollah stated it would give the ceasefire pact a chance, but Mahmoud Qamati, the deputy chair of the group’s political council, stressed that Hezbollah’s support for the deal depends on clear assurances that Israel will not resume its attacks. Likewise, Israel said it would attack if Hezbollah violated the agreement. The army’s Arabic-language spokesperson, Avichay Adraee, also urged residents of southern Lebanese villages — who had fled in recent months — to delay returning home until further notice from the Israeli military. David Wood, a senior Lebanon analyst with the International Crisis Group, believes that while the ceasefire is desperately needed, it “will almost certainly not bring Lebanon’s troubles to an end. “Many of the country’s displaced may not be able to return home for months, as Israel has razed entire villages near the Blue Line border,” he said. “Meanwhile, Hezbollah’s domestic foes claim they will no longer accept the group’s dominance over Lebanese politics — a pledge that promises still more instability.” Firas Maksad, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, also cannot see this ceasefire bringing an end to Lebanon’s problems as the war has already triggered shifts in internal alliances. Describing the deal as a “capitulation,” he said during an interview with the BBC that “the majority of the Lebanese people, including Hezbollah's own support base, did not want to see Lebanon dragged into this war.” “After all this devastation, after Hezbollah having now to capitulate and withdraw away from that border north of the Litani River, having to accept an American-led mechanism led by a general who is part of CENTCOM in the region, this is going to be highly embarrassing,” he said. “And there's going to be a day of reckoning for Hezbollah in Lebanon once the ceasefire actually goes into effect.” He added that politically, this means that “the various Lebanese parties and the various also alliances that had been in place before this war are no longer going to be there.” “We saw, for example, Hezbollah’s crucial Christian ally distance itself from the group now, very much moving towards the center or even in opposition to Hezbollah.” Gebran Bassil, leader of the Maronite Free Patriotic Movement and a close ally of Hezbollah since 2006, said earlier this month that his party is “not in an alliance with Hezbollah.” In an interview with Al-Arabiya TV, he added that Hezbollah “has weakened itself and exposed its military strength, leaving Lebanon as a whole vulnerable to Israeli attacks.” Also acknowledging the toll on Hezbollah is Lebanese political analyst Ali Al-Amin. He expressed concern that, while the ceasefire deal is a positive development, its terms signal a significant shift for Hezbollah. “People were happy at first glance about the ceasefire agreement, as it is a basic demand after a fierce, destructive war,” he told Arab News. “However, there are many (unanswered) questions, starting with the nature of the agreement and its content. “In a first reading, I believe that Hezbollah’s function has ended. The prohibition of military operations and weapons, the necessity of destroying and dismantling weapons facilities, and the ban on the supply of weapons are all preludes to ending the party’s function.” Hezbollah’s main ally, Tehran, expressed support for the ceasefire. Esmaeil Baghaei, spokesperson for Iran’s Foreign Ministry, welcomed the end of Israel’s “aggression against Lebanon.” He also reaffirmed his country’s “firm support for the Lebanese government, nation and resistance.” Before the Israeli cabinet approved the deal, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the ceasefire would allow his country to “intensify” pressure on the Palestinian group Hamas in Gaza and focus on the “Iranian threat.” Mairav Zonszein, a senior Israeli analyst with the ICG, believes that “for Israel, the ceasefire is not necessarily an end to the war, but a pause” in fighting. She said: “It will free up forces and resources to Israel’s other fronts in Gaza, the West Bank, and Iran, and is a chance to test out Israel’s ability to take military action to enforce the ceasefire, which is being sold as the main difference between the resolution that ended the 2006 war and this time around.” Al-Amin believes Iran, Israel’s biggest adversary, has accepted this shift affecting its ally Hezbollah. However, he stressed that while the deal remains “subject to implementation,” it raises questions about the enforcement of UN Security Council Resolution 1701 and Washington’s role in overseeing its execution. Echoing Al-Amin’s concern, Heiko Wimmen, ICG project director for Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, said: “The ceasefire is based on the commitment of both Lebanon and Israel to finally implement Security Council Resolution 1701, which ended the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah. “The challenges are the same as 18 years ago, namely, how to make sure that both parties comply in the long term and what to do with Hezbollah’s military capabilities, which constitute a threat to the security of Israel, and potentially other Lebanese, whether they are present on the border or a few kilometers away.” Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati, who welcomed the ceasefire deal, reiterated on Wednesday his government’s commitment to implementing Resolution 1701. UN Security Council Resolution 1701, adopted to resolve the 2006 Lebanon war, called for a permanent ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel, the establishment of a buffer zone free of armed personnel other than UN and Lebanese forces, Hezbollah’s disarmament and withdrawal from south of the Litani River, and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon. However, Maksad of the Middle East Institute, emphasizes that implementing a ceasefire in Lebanon — US-led and otherwise — will demand more than just adhering to the deal’s terms, especially on the domestic front. “There is a crucial need to rearrange the deck in Lebanon,” he said in an interview with the BBC. “You need to elect a president in Lebanon, one that is a sovereign-minded president that would work with the Lebanese army and provide it with the political cover it needs to help and implement this resolution together with the UN troops that are there and also the international community.” He added: “You also cannot begin the task — the mammoth task — of rebuilding, the reconstruction, the tune of billions of dollars if you don’t have a reform-minded government.” And while the ceasefire brings a faint hope for Lebanon’s displaced population, many of those affected perceive its terms through the prism of personal loss, questioning what, if anything, had been gained from the war. Nora Farhat, whose family home in Anqoun in Beirut’s southern suburbs was reduced to rubble, lamented that the agreement “will not restore our destroyed homes or bring back those who were killed — loved ones we have yet to bury.” The scale of destruction in southern villages means return is not an option for many, who are left wondering about Hezbollah’s future and its ability to maintain its influence in the region. Analyst Al-Amin believes that Hezbollah’s immediate focus will likely shift to managing the domestic narrative. “Hezbollah’s priority now will be how to reverse the defeat into victory at home, and how to prevent the Lebanese from questioning what happened and why it happened,” he said. Some of those displaced from Shiite-majority villages in the south expressed frustration at being caught in the crossfire of Hezbollah’s conflicts with Israel. For Ahmad Ismail, who was displaced from his home in south Lebanon, the war and its aftermath seemed “futile.” He told Arab News: “There was no need to open a southern front under the slogan of supporting Gaza, as those who sought this war sought to humiliate us. “If only we had implemented the May 17 agreement in the 1980s with Israel, we would have been spared wars, killing and destruction, and the Shiite sect would not have reached the point of displacement, death, and frustration it has reached today.” Ismail, who was previously imprisoned in Israel, believes the ceasefire is the only positive aspect of the US-brokered truce deal. “It is a good initiative toward making this the last of the wars and a step toward disarming illegal weapons,” he said. “It also paves the way for restoring the state to its role, which Hezbollah undermined by monopolizing decisions of war and peace without consulting anyone.” Despite the Israeli military’s warning, Lebanese people displaced from their homes in the south began flocking to their villages. Ismail believes “people are currently in shock. Some still cannot believe that Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah has been killed, and many have not yet seen what happened to their homes and villages. “When they wake up from the trauma, we will see the repercussions.” Ismail added: “A disaster has befallen the Lebanese people, and Hezbollah must be held accountable. Hezbollah is no longer able to mobilize the people through the power of weapons, excess force, and money.” As Lebanon begins to pick up the pieces, many still wonder if this ceasefire will offer more than just a temporary reprieve — or if it will be the beginning of an uncertain future.The cryptocurrency world has been exciting as Bitcoin (BTC) continues to show strong bullish momentum. After recent record-breaking price movements, analysts predict that Bitcoin price could surge even higher in 2025. However, investors closely monitor a rising AI-driven altcoin alongside this anticipated Bitcoin price rally. With its presale progressing rapidly, the AI token is positioning itself for a potential 45,202% gain, making it an intriguing investment opportunity for those seeking high returns in the crypto space. Bitcoin Price Prediction: A Journey Toward $320,000 in 2025 Bitcoin’s price has been impressive, breaking resistance levels and showcasing extreme bullish momentum. A technical analysis by Gert van Lagen highlights a confirmed breakout of the classic ‘cup-and-handle’ pattern, which is often associated with massive upward movements in price. This bullish trend has already seen Bitcoin making consecutive all-time highs, with the price recently reaching as high as $98,654. Bitcoin’s price has surged by over 10% daily, with technical indicators showing a strong buying sentiment. The Relative Strength Index (RSI) remains above 70, signaling an overbought condition, yet the momentum continues to push Bitcoin towards further gains. With this momentum, Bitcoin is predicted to hit the $180,000 mark by 2025, driven by investor sentiment and technical factors. The continued demand for Bitcoin and the overall bullish trend suggests that the price may rise significantly, surpassing $200,000 as the year progresses. Analysts suggest that the price of Bitcoin could rise to as much as $320,000 during ongoing Wave 5, which is driven by an explosive rally fueled by strong investor demand. This AI Altcoin is Projected to Rise by 45,202% as Bitcoin Soars As the price of Bitcoin surges, so do early-stage altcoins, particularly RCO Finance (RCOF). This AI-powered altcoin shows incredible promise, positioning itself for a massive 45,202% rally upon its public launch. CRCOF is currently in its third presale stage ; The token’s price has already increased by 337% from its initial price of $0.01275 to $0.055882. This surge in value is just the beginning, as RCOF is set to rise even more in the coming months. The price of RCOF is projected to increase to $0.0777 in the next presale stage. With a potential gain of over 672% by the time the presale concludes, the token’s value could skyrocket to between $0.4 and $0.6 once it is listed publicly. This represents an incredible investment opportunity. When the token is publicly available, and the native RCO Finance platform officially launches, early investors are poised to make significant gains. Investors are already noticing the rapid price surge, and with RCOF’s impressive presale performance, it’s clear that this AI-driven altcoin is on track to make a massive impact. The expected post-launch gains from RCOF’s presale price surge could see the token’s value soar even further. This would allow investors to easily multiply their investments in a matter of months after the platform goes live. RCO Finance’s Groundbreaking AI-Powered DeFi Platform RCO Finance’s vision of revolutionizing the decentralized finance (DeFi) space is a key reason why the price of RCOF is expected to grow exponentially. The RCO Finance platform’s integration of advanced AI tools and machine learning (ML) capabilities is set to disrupt the traditional financial system. RCO Finance’s AI-powered Robo Advisor is at the heart of this innovation, which provides fully customized investment strategies based on real-time market data, trends, and individual preferences. When it officially launches, RCO Finance shall offer users access to over 120,000 assets across 12,500 asset classes, including traditional and digital ones. The platform’s tokenization of real-world assets (RWAs) like real estate and commodities opens up opportunities previously out of reach for retail investors. Integrating blockchain technology allows for fractional ownership, democratizing access to once-illiquid markets. The platform’s smart contract has already been audited for vulnerabilities, further boosting investor confidence. With its comprehensive KYC-free ecosystem, RCO Finance is set to disrupt the DeFi space; once the platform launches, the RCOF token is expected to rise significantly in value. As the presale exceeds expectations, analysts predict that RCOF could see a price increase of over three times its current value in the early months following the platform’s official release. Why RCO Finance (RCOF) Could Outperform Bitcoin Price Growth While Bitcoin price continues to gain momentum, it’s important not to overlook the immense growth potential of RCO Finance (RCOF) . RCOF has many use cases within the RCO Finance ecosystem, including access to staking rewards, discounted trading fees, and participation in decentralized governance. As the platform gains traction in the DeFi space, these use cases are expected to drive demand for RCOF and boost its value in the long run. The hype surrounding AI and blockchain technology further enhances tRCOF's growth prospects. As AI continues to revolutionize various industries, RCO Finance’s AI-powered tools position it to become a major player in the crypto space. Combined with the strong tokenomics backing RCOF, including a deflationary model and token-burning mechanisms, the token’s value could rise significantly over time. Unlike Bitcoin, which has already experienced massive growth, RCOF’s presale surge indicates that its value could increase significantly after its public listing and the launch of the RCO Finance platform. For those seeking higher risk and higher rewards, RCOF could be the best investment right now. For more information about the RCO Finance Presale: Visit RCO Finance Presale Join The RCO Finance Community Join our WhatsApp Channel to get the latest news, exclusives and videos on WhatsApp _____________ Disclaimer: Analytics Insight does not provide financial advice or guidance. Also note that the cryptocurrencies mentioned/listed on the website could potentially be scams, i.e. designed to induce you to invest financial resources that may be lost forever and not be recoverable once investments are made. You are responsible for conducting your own research (DYOR) before making any investments. Read more here.
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