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Williams Cos. stock falls Friday, underperforms marketBy BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.slot super ace jili games gameplay 。

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Stock futures were flat in overnight trading Sunday evening ahead of the last few trading sessions of 2024. Futures tied to the Dow Jones Industrial Average were flat, while S&P 500 futures edged up 0.04%. Nasdaq-100 futures rose 0.1%. The major averages are heading into the yearend shy of record levels, with the S&P 500 and Dow up more than 25% and 14%, respectively, and on track for the best year since 2021. The Nasdaq has gained more than 31%. The benchmarks are also headed for a winning fourth quarter, with the Nasdaq on pace for its longest quarterly winning streaking since the second quarter of 2021. Despite a losing session for all the major averages on Friday, investors are hoping that stocks will continue to rise into the year-end and the new year, and trigger what's known as a Santa Claus Rally. The phenomenon refers to the market rising into the final five trading days of a calendar year and the first two in January. The S&P 500 has returned 1.3% on average during this period since 1950, according to LPL Financial. This week ushers in a light period for economic data, with the market closed Wednesday in observance of New Years Day. Chicago PMI and pending homes sales data are due out Monday.Nicole Kidman and Tom Cruise ’s daughter has shared a glimpse into what she’s been working on recently in a rare social media post. The adopted daughter of the Hollywood heavyweights, Bella Kidman-Cruise , was in St Petersburg, Florida, on December 6 to see the debut of one of her artworks in the city’s Imagine Museum. The 31-year-old took a photo to celebrate the occasion, posting it to Instagram with the caption, “this lil guy made it to @imaginemuseum”. She could be seen standing beside her abstract green-yellow painting with a proud smile. Bella maintains a low-key profile online and typically posts only photos of her art. She also runs an online store where she sells totes, prints, pins and T-shirts designed with her artwork.

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Terry Bradshaw taken aback on FOX NFL Sunday by Eagles' Nick Sirianni decisionCroatia's President Zoran Milanovic will face conservative rival Dragan Primorac in an election run-off in two weeks' time after the incumbent narrowly missed out an outright victory on Sunday, official results showed. The results came after an exit poll, released immediately after the polling stations closed, showed that Milanovic, backed by the opposition left-wing Social Democrats, had scooped more than 50 percent of the first round vote and would thus avoid the January 12 run-off. Milanovic won 49.11 percent of the first round vote and Primorac, backed by the ruling conservative HDZ party, took 19.37 percent, according to results released by the state electoral commission from nearly all of the polling stations. Such a strong lead for Milanovic, whom surveys labelled a favourite ahead of the vote, raises serious concerns for Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic's HDZ. The election comes as the European Union and NATO member country of 3.8 million people struggles with biting inflation, widespread corruption and a labour shortage. Among the eight contenders, centre-right MP Marija Selak Raspudic and green-left MP Ivana Kekin followed the two main rivals, the exit poll showed. They each won around nine percent of the vote. Croatia's president commands the country's armed forces and has a say in foreign policy. But despite limited powers, many believe the office is key for the political balance of power in a country mainly governed by the HDZ since independence in 1991. "All the eggs should not be in one basket," Nenad Horvat, a salesman in his 40s, told AFP. He sees Milanovic, a former leftist prime minister, as the "last barrier to all levers of power falling into the hands of HDZ", echoing the view of many that was reflected in Sunday's vote results. The 58-year-old Milanovic has been one of Croatia's leading and most colourful political figures for nearly two decades. Sharp and eloquent, he won the presidency for the Social Democrats (SDP) in 2020 with pledges to advocate tolerance and liberalism. But he used the office to attack political opponents and EU officials, often with offensive and populist rhetoric. Milanovic, who condemned Russia's aggression against Ukraine, has nonetheless criticised the West's military aid to Kyiv. That prompted the prime minister to label him a pro-Russian who is "destroying Croatia's credibility in NATO and the EU". Milanovic countered that he wanted to protect Croatia from being "dragged into war". "As long as I'm president no Croatian soldier will wage somebody else's wars," he said this month. Milanovic regularly pans Plenkovic and his HDZ party over systemic corruption, calling the premier a "serious threat to Croatia's democracy". "I'm a guarantee of the control of the octopus of corruption... headed by Andrej Plenkovic," he said during the campaign. For many, the election is a continuation of the longstanding feud between two powerful politicians. "This is still about the conflict between the prime minister and president," political analyst Zarko Puhovski told AFP. "All the rest are just incidental topics." Primorac, a 59-year-old physician and scientist returning to politics after 15 years, campaigned as a "unifier" promoting family values and patriotism. "Croatia needs unity, global positioning and a peaceful life," he told reporters after casting his ballot in Zagreb, adding that he would later attend a mass. Primorac repeatedly accused Milanovic of "disgracing Croatia", a claim that resonated with his supporters. ljv/bc

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad oversaw a merciless crackdown on a pro-democracy revolt that morphed into one of the bloodiest wars of the century. After facing down nationwide protests demanding his ouster and an armed rebellion that he all but crushed, he had until this month taken back control of much of Syria in the civil war that began in 2011. Quiet in his demeanour, Assad is a political survivor who for years excelled in his alliance-building with Russia and Iran, and who knew just how to present himself as Syria's only viable leader in the face of the Islamist threat. But since November 27, an Islamist-led rebel offensive has wrested from Assad's control city after city, including Aleppo and Hama for the first time since 2011, leaving his grip on power severely under threat. Assad has cast himself as the protector of Syria's minorities, a bulwark against extremism and the sole possible purveyor of stability for the war-ravaged country. In multiple votes held over the years, conducted solely on government-held territory, he has taken the vast majority of the ballots, amid accusations from Western countries that the wartime elections were neither free nor fair. In appearance, whether in person or in the many portraits of him in the capital Damascus, Assad has typically eschewed military garb, opting instead for a sharp-cut business suit and sober tie. In official meetings, during interviews and even on the frontlines, the 59-year-old ophthalmologist by training conducts himself calmly and can almost appear timid. Behind the facade, however, is an astonishing ability to hold onto power amid multiple waves of violence and transformative change in Syria and the wider region. One journalist, who met with Assad on several occasions before and after war broke out in 2011, told AFP the president is a "unique and complex figure". "Each time I met him he was calm... even during the most difficult moments of the war," said the journalist, who declined to be named. Assad has "the same qualities" as his father, Hafez al-Assad, who ruled Syria for nearly three decades until his death in 2000, the journalist said. "In politics, it's important to know how to shuffle cards, not just how to arrange them," he added. "Assad has mastered the shuffling game." Hafez al-Assad, head of the Syrian Baath Party, imposed in the country a secretive, paranoid regime where even the slightest suspicion of dissent could land one in jail or worse. Bashar al-Assad was never meant to become president, but his life changed radically when his older brother Bassel, who was being groomed to inherit power, was killed in a road accident in 1994. Bashar quit his studies in ophthalmology and left London, where he had met his wife, Asma, a British-Syrian and Sunni Muslim who worked for financial services firm JP Morgan. Back home, he took a course in military studies and was tutored in politics by his father. When the latter died, Bashar became president by referendum, running unopposed, then winning a second term in 2007. Sworn in at the age of 34, Assad was widely seen by Syrians pining for freedoms as a reformer, who could do away with years of repression and introduce economic liberalisation. In the early days, Assad would be seen driving his own car or having dinner at restaurants with his wife. He relaxed some of the heavy restrictions that existed under his father. But his initial image as a reformer quickly evaporated as authorities arrested and jailed academics, intellectuals and other members of what was then known as the Damascus Spring movement. When the Arab Spring reached Syria in March 2011, peaceful demonstrations broke out calling for change. Assad, who is also commander-in-chief of the armed forces, responded by ordering a brutal crackdown on the protesters and civil war swiftly ensued. Throughout the war, which has killed more than 500,000 people and displaced half the population, Assad's position has not changed. He has been the subject of countless cartoons by dissident artists depicting him as a killer, not least in the aftermath of the 2013 chemical attacks on rebel bastions around Damascus. A Syrian researcher in Damascus, who asked to speak anonymously over security concerns, said: "Assad's personality played an undeniable role in his survival." His "persistence and rigour" were especially important in helping him "consolidate decision-making powers, and secure the army's full support", he added. Throughout the war, Assad has enjoyed military backing from staunch allies Iran and Russia, who helped him score a string of military victories. Since the start of the Islamist-led rebel offensive on November 27, Assad has echoed his long-held stance that the conflict in Syria is machinated from abroad. "The terrorist escalation reflects the far-reaching goals of dividing the region and fragmenting the countries in it and redraw the map in line with the objectives of the United States and the West," Assad said on Monday. He is the father of three children. His wife, Asma, was dubbed a "rose in the desert" by Vogue magazine before the revolt.

Snowflake 's ( SNOW 2.38% ) stock soared 33% on Nov. 21 after the cloud-based data warehouse provider posted its latest earnings report. For the third quarter of fiscal 2025, which ended on Oct. 31, its revenue rose 28% year over year to $942.1 million and exceeded analysts' expectations by $43.6 million. Its adjusted net income declined 19% to $73.2 million, or $0.20, but cleared the consensus forecast by a nickel. For the full year, Snowflake expects its product revenue (which accounts for most of its top line) to rise 29%. That's higher than its previous outlook for 26% growth, but it would still represent its slowest annual growth rate since its initial public offering (IPO) in 2020. Snowflake's beat-and-raise quarter brought back some bulls, but its stock remains nearly 60% below its all-time high. So could its latest earnings report mark the beginning of a new millionaire-making rally? Snowflake's business is maturing Snowflake's cloud-based data warehouses help large companies gather all of their data into a centralized location so it can be easily accessed by third-party applications. That approach breaks down the silos between different computing platforms and makes it easier for companies to make data-driven decisions. Snowflake's service runs on top of Amazon Web Services (AWS), Microsoft Azure, and other cloud infrastructure platforms. It also offers flexible consumption-based plans, which only charge customers for the storage and computing power they need, instead of locking them into subscriptions. Amazon and Microsoft also offer their own integrated cloud-based data warehouses, but Snowflake's cross-compatibility with a wide range of cloud infrastructure platforms and flexible pricing model makes it an appealing option for companies that don't want to be locked into a single big tech company's ecosystem. That's why its annual product revenue more than doubled in both fiscal 2021 and fiscal 2022 (which ended in January 2022). Its product revenue rose 70% in fiscal 2023, but cooled to just 38% growth in fiscal 2024. Its net revenue retention rate, which gauges its year-over-year growth per existing customer, dropped from 168% in fiscal 2021 to 131% in fiscal 2024. Those two core growth metrics continued to cool off in fiscal 2025. Metric Q3 2024 Q4 2024 Q1 2025 Q2 2025 Q3 2025 Product revenue growth (YOY) 34% 33% 34% 30% 29% Net revenue retention rate 135% 131% 128% 127% 127% Data source: Snowflake. YOY = Year over year. Snowflake, like many other cloud software companies, mainly blamed its slowdown on the macro headwinds. However, it also faces stiff competition from faster-growing data warehousing start-ups like Databricks, as well as cloud giants like Amazon and Microsoft. On the bright side, Snowflake's net revenue retention rate stabilized sequentially in the third quarter as some of its older customers started to use its newer products. The rapid expansion of the AI market is also generating tailwinds for its Cortex AI platform, which helps companies quickly crunch data and build their own generative AI applications. Those fresh product initiatives prompted it to boost its full-year product revenue guidance. But its margins are stabilizing Snowflake's adjusted product, operating, and free-cash-flow ( FCF ) margins also slipped as its top-line growth cooled off. But in the third quarter, all three of those metrics either remained stable or expanded sequentially. Metric Q3 2024 Q4 2024 Q1 2025 Q2 2025 Q3 2025 Adjusted product gross margin 78% 78% 77% 76% 76% Adjusted operating margin 10% 9% 4% 5% 6% Adjusted FCF margin 15% 42% 44% 8% 9% Data source: Snowflake. During the conference call , CEO Sridhar Ramaswamy attributed that stabilization to its "more rigorous approach to cost management," the removal of "redundant management layers," and the use of "AI to drive higher velocity while reducing overall costs." For the full year, it's guiding for an adjusted product gross margin of 76%, an adjusted operating margin of 5%, and an adjusted FCF margin of 26%. All three margins would represent declines from fiscal 2024, but they could stabilize at its current levels. Could Snowflake be a millionaire-maker stock? Snowflake is growing, but its business is maturing and it's still deeply unprofitable on a generally accepted accounting principles ( GAAP ) basis. Its stock isn't a screaming bargain at 12 times this year's sales, but it's still plowing a lot of cash into buybacks to offset the dilution from its stock-based compensation. That might be why Warren Buffett's Berkshire Hathaway liquidated its entire stake in Snowflake this year, and why its insiders sold nearly 4 times as many shares as they bought over the past 12 months. Analysts expect Snowflake's revenue to grow at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 24% from fiscal 2024 to fiscal 2027. Assuming it meets those expectations, keeps growing at a CAGR of 20% over the following 13 years, and trades at about 10 times sales, its market cap could potentially grow 1,240% to $580 billion by fiscal 2040. That rally would turn $75,000 into over $1 million -- but it's too early to tell if it can maintain its momentum in the increasingly crowded data warehousing market. So while Snowflake's stock might eventually make you a millionaire, hitting that goal could require a lot of patience.John Howard and Karl Marx (Image: Private Media/Zennie) On the unhappiness of young Australians: Adam Ford writes: 91% more likely to experience loneliness than the over 75s — for whom loneliness has long been an established problem. I think it needs to be highlighted how far off the end of the scale those numbers are. The solution to this is obviously preventing young people from interacting or networking with others on social media. Obviously. I mean no doubt social media is a driver of the trend, but delaying access for a couple of years will do literally nothing. As already noted, building resilience (in people and in the systems) is the only effective policy approach. So of course we’ve gone down the other path. Jean M writes: Interesting article and report, but I’m wondering... why is there nothing about younger Australians’ intention to have children? I suspect the difference between older and younger Australians would be stark. Surely this is no peripheral issue. There is no society that doesn’t raise children. Lonelier, unhappier but more welcoming: Younger Australians are a different people altogether Read More Robert Reynolds writes: I think, if I remember correctly, Karl Marx predicted increasing levels of alienation and isolation in the community as capitalism became more exploitative and rapacious. So, I am not overly surprised that this survey finds that: “Young people are far more likely to feel loneliness” and “lack a sense of belonging”. The only mystery to me is that more people of all ages are not feeling the same. For example, I have had two uninvited telephone calls already today purportedly from financial institutions telling me that I have a substantial debit transaction ready to be deducted from my account and that I should press “1” to authorise it, or to press “2” to speak to an operator should I not want this to happen. One of these calls was from a bank that I have no association with whatsoever. Let me tell you, as an old geriatric, I absolutely do not feel “a sense of belonging” to a society that allows this and much worse to occur, and to occur as a matter of routine. I found it interesting to compare my own views and attitudes with those of young people. The only significant difference I could detect was that, unlike the young people, I want immigration to be virtually brought to a halt. The article was also interesting from the point of view that it helps me to better understand the kind of world that my grandchildren will be growing up in (provided the warmongers and assorted mass murderers in the Pentagon and Washington DC don’t destroy us all first). On Dutton’s Trumpian migrant rhetoric: Marilyn Hoban writes: Peter Dutton has spent the last two years blaming migrants for all the ills facing Australia from housing to traffic congestion, knowing full well that he is only scaremongering. Recently we had the privilege of visiting my granddaughter’s school fete. Her school is a bilingual Spanish-English school catering to local Australians and those from South and Central America. The atmosphere was vibrant, from the Colombian, Mexican and Spanish food on offer to the music being performed by local choirs and the involvement of the whole school community. It was a magnificent snapshot of what immigration can do for this country. Well-thought-out immigration policies enrich us all. Vera Poole writes: I suggest everyone should read Gareth Hutchens’ “Does Australia have much control over temporary migration“ on ABC to realise that there are no easy solutions. Temporary migration (I’m not opposed to it) is very much at the centre of the difficulties faced by current, previous and future governments of whatever persuasion and composition. Dutton copies Trump on foreign students as Labor’s migration failure becomes clear Read More Tony McIntyre writes: John Howard tripled migration over twenty years ago and we have had a turbo-charged immigration program ever since. It was about twenty years ago when house prices started to skyrocket. That is not a coincidence. This massive immigration program was meant to supply workers. The reality is that it has increased demand for workers more than it has supplied workers. The economic benefits are grossly over-exaggerated — I read a report that suggested they average about zero. Some people and organisations benefit hugely but the rest of us are left with the costs. It seems John Howard was wrong when he said “we will decide who comes to this country and the circumstances under which they come.” It appears that it is the universities and property developers who decide. Economists live in a fantasy world where resources are infinite. When I was at university the long-term sustainable population for Australia was calculated at 18 million. On militarised policing against protesters: Andi writes: Remember Battlestar Galactica ? Captain William Adama: “There’s a reason you separate military and the police. One fights the enemies of the state, the other serves and protects the people. When the military becomes both, then the enemies of the state tend to become the people.”

Nick Kern came off the bench for 20 points and 13 rebounds as Penn State remained unbeaten with an 85-66 thumping of Fordham in a semifinal of the Sunshine Slam on Monday in Daytona Beach, Fla. The Nittany Lions (6-0), who will play either San Francisco or Clemson for the tournament title on Tuesday, put four other players in double figures. Zach Hicks scored 16 points, while Puff Johnson added 15. Ace Baldwin and Yanic Konan Niederhauser each chipped in 12 points. Penn State sank nearly 53 percent of its field goal attempts and earned a 38-30 advantage on the boards, more than enough to offset missing 12 of its 32 foul shots. Four players reached double figures for the Rams (3-4), led by 15 points apiece from Jackie Johnson III and reserve Joshua Rivera. Romad Dean and Jahmere Tripp each added 13. Fordham was as close as 56-49 after Tripp made a layup with 14:25 left in the game. But the Nittany Lions responded with a 16-1 run, capped with a layup by Kern for a 22-point lead at the 9:33 mark, and they never looked back. The main storyline prior to tipoff was whether Penn State could continue its torrid early start that saw it come into the day leading Division I in steals and ranked second in scoring at 98.2 points per game. The Nittany Lions certainly played to their billing for most of the first half, establishing a 21-8 lead at the 10:08 mark via Hicks' three-point play. Fordham predictably struggled early with the pressure defense, committing four turnovers in the first four minutes. But the Rams got their bearings over the last 10 minutes and made some shots. They got as close as four on two occasions late in the half before Penn State pushed the lead to 42-34 at the half. The officials were busy in the half, calling 23 fouls and administering 27 free throws. --Field Level MediaNone

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Unrivaled signs LSU star Flau'jae Johnson to NIL dealNick Kern came off the bench for 20 points and 13 rebounds as Penn State remained unbeaten with an 85-66 thumping of Fordham in a semifinal of the Sunshine Slam on Monday in Daytona Beach, Fla. The Nittany Lions (6-0), who will play either San Francisco or Clemson for the tournament title on Tuesday, put four other players in double figures. Zach Hicks scored 16 points, while Puff Johnson added 15. Ace Baldwin and Yanic Konan Niederhauser each chipped in 12 points. Penn State sank nearly 53 percent of its field goal attempts and earned a 38-30 advantage on the boards, more than enough to offset missing 12 of its 32 foul shots. Four players reached double figures for the Rams (3-4), led by 15 points apiece from Jackie Johnson III and reserve Joshua Rivera. Romad Dean and Jahmere Tripp each added 13. Fordham was as close as 56-49 after Tripp made a layup with 14:25 left in the game. But the Nittany Lions responded with a 16-1 run, capped with a layup by Kern for a 22-point lead at the 9:33 mark, and they never looked back. The main storyline prior to tipoff was whether Penn State could continue its torrid early start that saw it come into the day leading Division I in steals and ranked second in scoring at 98.2 points per game. The Nittany Lions certainly played to their billing for most of the first half, establishing a 21-8 lead at the 10:08 mark via Hicks' three-point play. Fordham predictably struggled early with the pressure defense, committing four turnovers in the first four minutes. But the Rams got their bearings over the last 10 minutes and made some shots. They got as close as four on two occasions late in the half before Penn State pushed the lead to 42-34 at the half. The officials were busy in the half, calling 23 fouls and administering 27 free throws. --Field Level Media