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Call it a sophomore slump, but something is clearly off with C.J. Stroud. Sunday’s shock 32-27 loss at NRG Stadium left Texans’ fans stunned, sinking them to 7-5 only six days removed from a dominant Monday Night Football win that inspired growing optimism. DeMeco Ryans’ side had an abundance of chances to put away a back-and-forth game, but another tough day from Stroud made life difficult in several key situations. Stroud, who threw two picks on the day, finished with only 247 passing yards and two touchdowns – the seventh time this year he’s thrown for less than 250 yards. The offensive line, which again gave up four sacks, continues to make life difficult for Stroud, a player who was once fancied a legitimate MVP candidate at the start of the season. Not surprisingly, Stroud was his own harshest critic after Sunday’s loss, admitting to reporters that winning starts and ends with him playing well. “It’s no secret, I haven’t been playing well, personally for my standard,” Stroud said. “I have a couple of good drives, but it’s just up and down. It starts with practice and in the games, I’ve got to stay focused. I’ve been focused, I watch as much film as anybody, it’s just sometimes it doesn’t go your way. I’ve got to be harder on myself and realize that games come down to me making plays.” Stroud now has three games with multiple interceptions this year. His first came in the second quarter on a pass intended for John Metchie, which set up the Titans to score a crucial field goal right before the half. Is it time to have a conversation about cj stroud? pic.twitter.com/hSco6Ac0Ng “The first one I didn’t really see Metch. Tried to put it in the window and can’t really do that there. Led them to points which led us to lose. The second one I’ve just got to put it higher. Those are two mistakes that can’t happen,” Stroud admitted after the game. It’s no question Stroud is feeling the effects of a long, bruising season behind one of the league’s worst offensive lines. The Texans had given up the third-most sacks in the league heading into Sunday’s game, and things aren’t about to get any easier with the Chiefs and Ravens ahead next month.
Head coach, Asier, was quick to praise Koundé's shooting abilities, highlighting his technical proficiency and composure in front of goal. Asier was quoted saying, "Jules has a unique talent for finding the back of the net. His precision and power in his shots are remarkable, and he brings a new dimension to our attack."
BOSTON — Forty years ago, Heisman Trophy winner Doug Flutie rolled to his right and threw a pass that has become one of college football’s most iconic moments. With Boston College trailing defending champion Miami, Flutie threw the Hail Mary and found receiver Gerard Phalen, who made the grab while falling into the end zone behind a pair of defenders for a game-winning 48-yard TD. Flutie and many of his 1984 teammates were honored on the field during BC’s 41-21 victory over North Carolina before the second quarter on Saturday afternoon, the anniversary of the Eagles’ Miracle in Miami. “There’s no way its been 40 years,” Flutie told The Associated Press on the sideline a few minutes before he walked out with some of his former teammates to be recognized after a video of The Play was shown on the scoreboards. A statue commemorating Doug Flutie's famed "Hail Mary" pass during a game against Miami on Nov. 23, 1994, sits outside Alumni Stadium at Boston College. Famous football plays often attain a legendary status with religious names like the "Immaculate Reception," the "Hail Mary" pass and the Holy Roller fumble. It’s a moment and highlight that’s not only played throughout decades of BC students and fans, but around the college football world. “What is really so humbling is that the kids 40 years later are wearing 22 jerseys, still,” Flutie said of his old number. “That amazes me.” That game was played on national TV the Friday after Thanksgiving. The ironic thing is it was originally scheduled for earlier in the season before CBS paid Rutgers to move its game against Miami, thus setting up the BC-Miami post-holiday matchup. Boston College quarterback Doug Flutie rejoices in his brother Darren's arms after B.C. defeats Miami with a last second touchdown pass on Nov. 23, 1984, in Miami. “It shows you how random some things are, that the game was moved,” Flutie said. “The game got moved to the Friday after Thanksgiving, which was the most watched game of the year. We both end up being nationally ranked and up there. All those things lent to how big the game itself was, and made the pass and the catch that much more relevant and remembered because so many people were watching.” There’s a statue of Flutie winding up to make The Pass outside the north gates at Alumni Stadium. Fans and visitors can often be seen taking photos there. “In casual conversation, it comes up every day,” Flutie said, when asked how many times people bring it up. “It brings a smile to my face every time we talk about it.” A week after the game-ending Flutie pass, the Eagles beat Holy Cross and before he flew off to New York to accept the Heisman. They went on to win the 49th Cotton Bowl on New Year’s Day. Boston College quarterback Doug Flutie evades Miami defensive tackle Kevin Fagan during the first quarter of a game on Nov. 23, 1984, in Miami, Fla. “Forty years seem almost like incomprehensible,” said Phalen, also standing on the sideline a few minutes after the game started. “I always say to Doug: ‘Thank God for social media. It’s kept it alive for us.”’ Earlier this week, current BC coach Bill O’Brien, 55, was asked if he remembered where he was 40 years ago. “We were eating Thanksgiving leftovers in my family room,” he said. “My mom was saying a Rosary in the kitchen because she didn’t like Miami and wanted BC to win. My dad, my brother and I were watching the game. “It was unbelievable,” he said. “Everybody remembers where they were for the Hail Mary, Flutie pass.” Mike Tyson, left, slaps Jake Paul during a weigh-in ahead of their heavyweight bout, Thursday, Nov. 14, 2024, in Irving, Texas. (AP Photo/Julio Cortez) In this image taken with a slow shutter speed, Spain's tennis player Rafael Nadal serves during a training session at the Martin Carpena Sports Hall, in Malaga, southern Spain, on Friday, Nov. 15, 2024. (AP Photo/Manu Fernandez) A fan takes a picture of the moon prior to a qualifying soccer match for the FIFA World Cup 2026 between Uruguay and Colombia in Montevideo, Uruguay, Friday, Nov. 15, 2024. (AP Photo/Santiago Mazzarovich) Rasmus Højgaard of Denmark reacts after missing a shot on the 18th hole in the final round of World Tour Golf Championship in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, Sunday, Nov. 17, 2024. (AP Photo/Altaf Qadri) Taylor Fritz of the United States reacts during the final match of the ATP World Tour Finals against Italy's Jannik Sinner at the Inalpi Arena, in Turin, Italy, Sunday, Nov. 17, 2024. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni) Dallas Cowboys wide receiver Jalen Tolbert (1) fails to pull in a pass against Atlanta Falcons cornerback Dee Alford (20) during the second half of an NFL football game, Sunday, Nov. 3, 2024, in Atlanta. (AP Photo/ Brynn Anderson) Green Bay Packers quarterback Jordan Love, top right, scores a touchdown during the second half of an NFL football game against the Chicago Bears in Chicago, Sunday, Nov. 17, 2024. (AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh) India's Tilak Varma jumps in the air as he celebrates after scoring a century during the third T20 International cricket match between South Africa and India, at Centurion Park in Centurion, South Africa, Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024. (AP Photo/Themba Hadebe) Columbus Blue Jackets defenseman Zach Werenski warms up before facing the Seattle Kraken in an NHL hockey game Tuesday, Nov. 12, 2024, in Seattle. (AP Photo/Lindsey Wasson) Kansas State players run onto the field before an NCAA college football game against Arizona State Saturday, Nov. 16, 2024, in Manhattan, Kan. (AP Photo/Charlie Riedel) A fan rapped in an Uruguay flag arrives to the stands for a qualifying soccer match against Colombia for the FIFA World Cup 2026 in Montevideo, Uruguay, Friday, Nov. 15, 2024. (AP Photo/Matilde Campodonico) People practice folding a giant United States flag before an NFL football game between the Buffalo Bills and the Kansas City Chiefs, Sunday, Nov. 17, 2024, in Orchard Park, N.Y. (AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson) Brazil's Marquinhos attempts to stop the sprinklers that were turned on during a FIFA World Cup 2026 qualifying soccer match against Venezuela at Monumental stadium in Maturin, Venezuela, Thursday, Nov. 14, 2024. (AP Photo/Ariana Cubillos) Georgia's Georges Mikautadze celebrates after scoring his side's first goal during the UEFA Nations League, group B1 soccer match between Georgia and Ukraine at the AdjaraBet Arena in Batumi, Georgia, Saturday, Nov. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Tamuna Kulumbegashvili) Dallas Stars center Mavrik Bourque, right, attempts to score while Minnesota Wild right wing Ryan Hartman (38) and Wild goaltender Filip Gustavsson (32) keep the puck out of the net during the second period of an NHL hockey game, Saturday, Nov. 16, 2024, in St. Paul, Minn. (AP Photo/Ellen Schmidt) Mike Tyson, left, fights Jake Paul during their heavyweight boxing match, Friday, Nov. 15, 2024, in Arlington, Texas. (AP Photo/Julio Cortez) Italy goalkeeper Guglielmo Vicario misses the third goal during the Nations League soccer match between Italy and France, at the San Siro stadium in Milan, Italy, Sunday, Nov. 17, 2024. (AP Photo/Luca Bruno) Cincinnati Bengals tight end Mike Gesicki (88) celebrates after scoring a touchdown against the Las Vegas Raiders during the second half of an NFL football game in Cincinnati, Sunday, Nov. 3, 2024. (AP Photo/Carolyn Kaster) President-elect Donald Trump attends UFC 309 at Madison Square Garden, Saturday, Nov. 16, 2024, in New York. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci) Fans argue in stands during the UEFA Nations League soccer match between France and Israel at the Stade de France stadium in Saint-Denis, outside Paris, Thursday Nov. 14, 2024. (AP Photo/Thibault Camus) Slovakia's Rebecca Sramkova hits a return against Danielle Collins, of the United States, during a tennis match at the Billie Jean King Cup Finals at the Martin Carpena Sports Hall, Thursday, Nov. 14, 2024, in Malaga, southern Spain. (AP Photo/Manu Fernandez) St. John's guard RJ Luis Jr. (12) falls after driving to the basket during the second half of an NCAA college basketball game against New Mexico, Sunday, Nov. 17, 2024, in New York. (AP Photo/Pamela Smith) England's Anthony Gordon celebrates after scoring his side's second goal during the UEFA Nations League soccer match between England and the Republic of Ireland at Wembley stadium in London, Sunday, Nov. 17, 2024. (AP Photo/Kin Cheung) Katie Taylor, left, lands a right to Amanda Serrano during their undisputed super lightweight title bout, Friday, Nov. 15, 2024, in Arlington, Texas. (AP Photo/Julio Cortez) Las Vegas Raiders wide receiver DJ Turner, right, tackles Miami Dolphins wide receiver Malik Washington, left, on a punt return during the second half of an NFL football game, Sunday, Nov. 17, 2024, in Miami Gardens, Fla. (AP Photo/Lynne Sladky) UConn's Paige Bueckers (5) battles North Carolina's Laila Hull, right, for a loose ball during the second half of an NCAA college basketball game in Greensboro, N.C., Friday, Nov. 15, 2024. (AP Photo/Ben McKeown) Get local news delivered to your inbox!Title: BeiRay China Reaches One Billion Registered Users! 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Furthermore, the spokesperson reiterated China's stance on the issue of national sovereignty, emphasizing that the Chinese government has the right to establish and enforce measures to protect its territorial integrity and national security. The spokesperson also stressed that these actions are in accordance with international law and norms, and do not pose a threat to any other country.Another critical aspect of Huang Renxun's leadership style is his emphasis on employee empowerment. By giving employees a greater degree of autonomy and decision-making authority, he has inspired a sense of ownership and accountability throughout the organization. This empowerment has not only boosted employee morale and engagement but has also resulted in increased productivity and innovation as employees take ownership of their work and strive for excellence.NHS managers who silence whistleblowers or endanger patients through misconduct face being sacked and barred from working in the health service for life under radical government plans to regulate thousands of bosses for the first time. Ministers will begin a public consultation on Tuesday seeking views on the proposals, which they say are designed to eradicate a “culture of cover-up” in the NHS. It follows a series of scandals over the last decade at trusts including Morecambe Bay, East Kent and Shrewsbury and Telford. A statutory duty of candour making NHS managers legally accountable for responding to concerns about patient safety could also be introduced as part of the government’s plans. Measures being considered include “statutory barring mechanisms”, similar to systems used for teachers, which could see health bosses who have been deemed to be unfit to practise appearing on a centrally held list. Tens of thousands of clinical and non-clinical managers work in the NHS but there is no single framework to regulate them in the same way as there is for doctors and nurses. The consultation will run for 12 weeks, after which ministers will consider responses and set out the next steps. Karin Smyth, a minister in the Department of Health and Social Care, said the proposals formed part of the government’s plans to end the “revolving door” that allows failing bosses to continue working in the NHS. “To turn around our NHS we need the best and brightest managing the health service, a culture of transparency that keeps patients safe, and an end to the revolving door that allows failed managers to pick up in a new NHS organisation,” she said. Regulation would prevent the loophole that allows managers with a record of poor performance or misconduct to continue to work in the health service, government sources said. Options being considered by the consultation include a voluntary accreditation register, statutory barring mechanisms and full statutory registration. Patients, health and care staff and professional bodies are also being asked for their views on whether to introduce a statutory duty of candour which would make NHS managers legally accountable for responding to concerns about patient safety. At a minimum, all board-level directors in NHS organisations in England , arm’s length body board level directors and integrated care board members will be regulated under the new system, government sources said. Amanda Pritchard, the chief executive of NHS England, said it was right that managers faced the same level of accountability as other staff, but it was critical that regulation came alongside the necessary support to “enable all managers to meet the high quality standards that we expect”. The deputy chief executive of NHS Providers, Saffron Cordery, said the “vast majority” of NHS managers go to work every day determined to do the best they can for patients but where there was misconduct, it was “absolutely right” they were held accountable for their actions. However, she also warned it was vital that regulation was “fair and equitable” and “proportionate”. Sign up to First Edition Our morning email breaks down the key stories of the day, telling you what’s happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion “Regulation must support a culture of openness that we know is critical to delivering consistently safe care. Crucially, regulation must be independent of both those being regulated, and of politics,” she added. “The focus must be on accountability rather than blame and punishment.” Labour’s plans to formally regulate NHS managers were first revealed by the Guardian in June. In an interview at the time, Wes Streeting, then the shadow health secretary, said: “I think the only way in which we genuinely protect whistleblowers and create a culture of honesty and openness is if you have tough enforcement. “I’m deadly serious when I say NHS managers who silence whistleblowers will be out and will never work in the NHS again. It is the number one priority for the system.” Rachel Power, the chief executive of the Patients Association, a patient charity, said she welcomed the public consultation on proposals to regulate health service managers. “Patients tell us that accountability and transparency is often lacking in their healthcare journeys. We encourage everyone who has experienced NHS care, especially those who have felt unheard by the system, to contribute their views.”Black Friday 2024 deals: Shop the best sales from Amazon, Apple, Walmart, Target, Wayfair, REI and more
New Delhi, Dec 29 (PTI) The Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (AB-PMJAY) has reduced the cancer patients’ financial burden significantly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said on Sunday. Modi highlighted the achievements made in the fight against malaria and cancer in the 117th episode of his ‘Mann Ki Baat’. He said the success on this front has attracted the attention of the world today. On the fight against cancer, the prime minister talked about a study by Medical Journal Lancet according to which the chances of starting cancer treatment in time in India have increased significantly. Modi also emphasised the role of the Ayushman Bharat Yojana in ensuring timely treatment of cancer patients, within 30 days. “Because of this scheme, 90 percent of cancer patients have been able to start their treatment on time. This has happened because earlier, due to lack of money, poor patients used to shy away from getting tested for cancer and its treatment. Now, the Ayushman Bharat Yojana has become a big support for them. Now they are coming forward to get themselves treated,” he said. “The Ayushman Bharat Yojana has reduced the financial problems in cancer treatment to a great extent,” he stated. Prime Minister Modi stated Malaria has been a big challenge confronting humanity for 4,000 years. “Even at the time of Independence, it was one of our biggest health challenges. Malaria ranks third among all infectious diseases that kill children between one month and five years of age. Today, I can say with satisfaction that the countrymen have collectively, strongly fought this challenge,” he said in the radio broadcast. He highlighted the report of the World Health Organization (WHO) which mentions, “In India, there has been an 80 percent reduction in the number of malaria cases and deaths due to it between 2015 and 2023.” Underscoring that this success has been achieved through everyone’s participation, the prime minister especially mentioned the contribution of tea garden dwellers of Jorhat in Assam and the people of the Kurukshetra district of Haryana for taking the war against malaria more vigorously. “In the tea gardens of Jorhat in Assam, malaria used to be a major cause of concern for people until four years ago. But when the tea garden dwellers united to eradicate it, they started getting success to a great extent. In this effort, they have made full use of technology as well as social media,” he said. “Similarly, the Kurukshetra district of Haryana has presented a very good model for controlling malaria. Here, public participation for monitoring Malaria has been quite successful. Through street plays and radio, emphasis was laid on messages which helped a lot in reducing the breeding of mosquitoes”, he further stated. PTI PLB TIR TIR This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content. var ytflag = 0;var myListener = function() {document.removeEventListener('mousemove', myListener, false);lazyloadmyframes();};document.addEventListener('mousemove', myListener, false);window.addEventListener('scroll', function() {if (ytflag == 0) {lazyloadmyframes();ytflag = 1;}});function lazyloadmyframes() {var ytv = document.getElementsByClassName("klazyiframe");for (var i = 0; i < ytv.length; i++) {ytv[i].src = ytv[i].getAttribute('data-src');}} Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment. Δ document.getElementById( "ak_js_1" ).setAttribute( "value", ( new Date() ).getTime() );In conclusion, Lukman's emergence as a highly sought-after talent in English football is a testament to his hard work, dedication, and natural ability on the pitch. The interest shown by powerhouse clubs such as Arsenal, Tottenham Hotspur, Newcastle, and Liverpool underscores his potential to become a key player in the Premier League and make a significant impact in the years to come. As fans eagerly await news of Lukman's next move, one thing is certain – his journey to the top of English football is just beginning, and the best is yet to come.
ACLU spurns ‘flawed and dangerous’ ruling on TikTok ban
Waldermar WardMGX Deadline: Rosen Law Firm Urges Metagenomi, Inc. (NASDAQ: MGX) Stockholders with Large Losses to Contact the Firm for Information About Their Rights
The dismissal of a class-action lawsuit over rules governing the cross-border live bee trade is casting a spotlight on political division within Canada’s beekeeping community. A federal judge has ruled against awarding commercial beekeepers damages from a decades-old partial ban on shipping live honeybees across the Canada-U.S. border, which is in place out of concerns that could bring in aggressive pests and diseases. Beekeepers from Western Canada involved in the suit claim the government’s risk assessments that inform the tight restrictions are hurting their businesses and are blown out of proportion. Michael Paradis of Paradis Honey Ltd., a seven-generation family beekeeping business based in Girouxville, Alta., and one of the representative plaintiffs in the case, said he’s disappointed with the ruling, saying it puts beekeepers in a “dangerous position” since the industry is already in crisis mode. “Canada does not have enough bees and cannot replenish its own stock at all,” he said. “It’s going to mean a lot more hardship for the industry if we cannot get access to the U.S. bees.” Beekeepers were slammed during the COVID-19 pandemic, when fewer airline flights made it harder to import bees and they suffered a nightmare year of winter losses in 2022. Manitoba commercial beekeeper Brent Ash, one of the witnesses in the case, said the ruling will hamper the industry, and makes it especially tough for apiaries in colder parts of the country like the Prairies, where most of Canada’s beekeepers are located. “Climate makes the regional divide difficult to keep those bugs alive over the course of the winter,” he said, noting honeybees are not native to North America. But Steve Moore, president of the Ontario Beekeepers’ Association, said his group worries about the risks of accidentally bringing in antibiotic resistant mites, the import of Africanized honeybees commonly known as killer bees, and a small hive beetle that’s capable of damaging colonies. “In Ontario here, we feel quite strongly that we don’t want to take the risk of it becoming even more challenging if some of these new and emerging threats come into the country in packages,” he said. But he empathizes with the plaintiffs. “When we go into our apiaries, we get stung by our bees. When we come home, we might be stung by a low honey price, stung by rising cost of production or stung by high overwintering losses, with the threat of new and emerging pathogens. So, we’re all facing the same challenges and it’s a challenging time to be a beekeeper,” he said. Even though a ban on U.S. live bee imports expired in 2006, Ottawa has not issued permits for the live worker bee boxes to be brought over the border since. The plaintiffs argued Ottawa owes them duty of care — and hundreds of millions in damages. The judge disagreed. “There is no duty of care owed and no negligence,” Justice Cecily Strickland wrote in a lengthy ruling, adding the plaintiffs failed to establish that Ottawa hurt their businesses. The case has a long history, dating back to a court filing from 2012, and was only certified as a class action in 2017. The problem is even older. Headlines from the 1980s screamed about fears that deadly infectious mites from U.S. states could level Canadian bee populations. Risks to bee health have only compounded since then. A 2003 risk assessment by the regulator found that importing queen bees was less risky, since they are easier to inspect. So, Canada allows imports of queen bees and their worker-bee attendants from the U.S., Chile, Australia, New Zealand, Denmark, Italy and Malta. “Bee packages carry a higher risk of disease introduction because they are shipped with the contents of their hive, which may include mites, parasites and bacteria,” said a statement from the Canadian Food Inspection Agency that welcomed the judge’s ruling. Canada does, however, also allow imports of worker bee packages from Italy, Chile, Australia and New Zealand, which sent Canada some 69,364 kgs of packaged bees in 2023, according to statistics from Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada. But importing from these countries also dramatically drives up import costs due to transportation. One of the plaintiffs, John Gibeau, wrote to CFIA a decade ago complaining that importing more than 1,200 packages for $170,000 would have cost half that if he could have purchased them from California instead. Gibeau said he wasn’t ready to comment since he hasn’t yet digested the ruling. Paradis said the larger issue for him than cost, though, is the quality of the bee stock and the timing of when shipments arrive. “We are looking at bees in the U.S. that are spring bees — young, invigorated bees,” he said, adding that gives them longer lifespans in Canada. While he was disappointed, Paradis said one of the main reasons for the lawsuit was to “bring CFIA to the table and to actually have some discussions” on the import ban, something he said has only happened recently. Canada’s honeybee pollination is estimated to contribute $3.18 billion directly to the economy, but that rises to $7 billion a year when canola pollination is factored in. Canada has some 794,341 beehives.
Global Stocks Hit Peak, Powell Bullish on Economy: Markets WrapThe scene on the trading floor was a flurry of activity, with traders shouting orders, screens flashing with real-time data, and the hum of excitement resonating throughout the room. The energy was palpable as investors seized opportunities and made strategic moves to maximize their gains in the buoyant market.
PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter’s closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
LINCOLN — Amid what he called “angst” over the departure of a successful defensive coordinator, Nebraska coach Matt Rhule on Wednesday named an interim replacement for Tony White while resisting any firm timeline for hiring the permanent guy. “I have no timetable other than to get it right,” Rhule said as part of his Signing Day press conference. “Just to make it right.” White left Monday for the same job at Florida State. Defensive backs coach John Butler, a longtime NFL assistant who also coordinated Penn State’s defense in 2013, will oversee the Husker defense in a bowl game later this month. Butler is also a candidate for the permanent role, Rhule said, and ran the unit in Wednesday’s practice. “I’ve had a lot of players come into me and voice their opinions,” Rhule said. “A lot of guys love John on the staff, on the team.” Whether Butler or some other coach fills the coordinator role, Rhule intends to continue running the 3-3-5 system Whie brought with him from Syracuse. The scheme favors aggressive blitz scheme and can be hard for opposing offenses to decipher when rushing the ball. “I don’t want to switch to something different,” Rhule said. “I want to do this defense. Whoever that is, I don’t want to make that decision for the short term — where we all feel good about it — and I don’t want to make a ‘splashy’ hire.” Two years ago White fit that bill coming from Syracuse. In two seasons at NU, he coordinated national top-20 defenses in both points and yards per game allowed. On Sunday, two days after his defense allowed just 164 yards in a 13-10 loss to Iowa, Rhule said White came to him and desired to take the Florida State job for “family reasons.” Terrance Knighton, the team’s defensive line coach, has left, too, according to reports and his own X social media account, although Rhule deemed Knighton still “with” the team on Wednesday. The same was true of receivers coach Garret McGuire, who has the option, Rhule said, to remain with the team in an adjusted role after Rhule made official the hire of Kentucky receivers coach Daikiel Shorts, who had previously played and coached under new Nebraska offensive coordinator Dana Holgorsen. “It was Dana’s only request,” Rhule said. Holgorsen would like to retain offensive line coach Donovan Raiola, quarterbacks coach Glenn Thomas, running backs coach EJ Barthel and tight ends coach Marcus Satterfield, demoted in early November from the playcaller role. Shorts, Rhule said, is a strong recruiter who understands Holgorsen’s system. “The offense will be better,” that it had been for the first 21 games of his tenure, Rhule said, thanks Holgorsen’s addition and more time in the system. Nebraska’s defense will continue to play well, Rhule said, regardless of the coordinator. “Did I want Tony to leave? No. But it’s OK,” Rhule said. “Coaches are going to leave. If we have good players and we have good coaches, people are going to come try to get them. If no one’s trying to take our players and no one’s trying takes our coaches, that means we’re in trouble. “So that’s what it’s going to be. And the thing I’m seeing is, people all over the country are saying ‘Nebraska is a place with resources’ so it’s ‘hey Coach, I’d love to come coach there.’” Get local news delivered to your inbox!
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If a remake of "Need for Speed 9" were to happen, fans can expect to see enhanced graphics, updated controls, and possibly even new features to cater to the modern gaming audience. With advancements in technology and game development since the original release, the potential for a visually stunning and immersive racing experience is high.
76ers' star Paul George sidelined the next 2 games with bone bruise in left kneeTAMPA, Fla. (AP) — Jake Evans scored for the career-high fifth consecutive game and the surging Montreal Canadiens beat the Tampa Bay Lightning 5-2 on Sunday night. Christian Dvorak, Joel Armia, Brendan Gallagher and Alex Newhook also scored to help the Canadiens win for the fifth time in six games. Sam Montembeault made 21 saves. Nikita Kucherov and Brandon Hagel scored for Tampa Bay. Jonas Johansson stopped 31 shots. Newhook opened the scoring on a one-timer midway through the first period. Hagel tied it 37 seconds into the second period, but Dvorak and Evans scored 5:54 apart in the period for a two-goal Montreal lead they would not relinquish. Takeaways Canadiens: Montreal has scored four or more goals in six consecutive games. ... The Canadiens snapped a four-game losing streak to Tampa Bay. Lightning: LW Jake Guentzel missed the game because of an upper-body injury and is listed as day-to-day. ... Tampa Bay fell to 0-7-1 when scoring fewer than three goals. Key moment After Hagel tied it 7 seconds into the second period, the Canadiens' Lane Hutson took a hooking call 13 seconds later to give Tampa Bay a power play. But Montreal’s penalty kill held the Lightning without a shot during the man advantage. Key stat Evans' five-game goals streak is tied for the longest active run in the NHL. Up next Montreal is at Vegas on Tuesday. Tampa Bay is at San Jose on Thursday night. AP NHL: https://apnews.com/hub/nhl