is coming to an end — have you taken advantage of this weekend's extended Boxing Day deals yet? If not, there's still time to shop, but the clock is ticking. If you're looking for a new bag, I have a recommendation for you: end tonight — and you can score some seriously cute and functional belt bags, totes, card cases and backpacks at the best prices of the year. Below, we've rounded up all the best on bags — all under $75. But hurry, like I said, you only have until 11:59 p.m. PST to snag these finds at these prices. Quick shop: Best last-minute Lululemon Boxing Week scores on bags & accessories Everywhere Belt Bag 1L Iridescent Team Canada Future Legacy Mini Belt Bag COC CPC Logo Everywhere Belt Bag 1L Crossbody Bag with Nano Pouch 2L Clippable Card Pouch Add a fun pop of colour to your wardrobe with this red bag. It's super cute, and purchases also support Canadian athletes — now that's a win-win! Keep your need-to-have essentials on hand with this eye-catching card pouch. It can clip onto your keychain, belt loop, or bag to keep your cards and cash handy. The Everywhere Belt Bag is a classic for a reason — it adds a stylish pop of colour to any outfit and lets you stay hands-free while you're out and about. Zip, clip, and go! This handy card pouch has interior slots to organize your cards and a zippered main compartment. If you need something a little roomier, consider this easy-to-carry cross-body bag as your go-to. According to reviewers, it's the "perfect mix of practicality and style." If you love it in pictures, Lululemon reviewers swear this one-litre Everywhere Belt Bag is "even prettier in person." The wristlet has two zippered pouches to keep your belongings safe — and they're both detachable, so you can customize the look or use one as a standalone wallet. It's perfect for those days when you just need your credit card, lip chap and mints and don't want the hassle of carrying around your full purse. If you love Lululemon's Wunder Puff collection, you might love its one-litre Wunder Puff Everywhere Belt Bag. According to one shopper, the water-resistant bag is a "must-have" for any collection. This soft, plushy bag has enough space for your phone, keys, cards and a few others bits. Shoppers say it "looks great but feels even better" and that it's "nifty and practical." This clear backpack is a handy choice for concerts and festivals. Reviewers say it's "cute, stylish and full of space." This Crossbody Bag with Nano Pouch 2L is a popular pick on Lululemon. It has a ton of spots for storage and has been dubbed the "perfect go-to bag" by shoppers. Shoppers can't get enough of Lululemon's three-litre Adjustable Mini Shoulder Bag. The cute and versatile bag comes with a fixed shoulder strap and an adjustable crossbody strap, so you have two ways to wear it. The Everywhere Backpack is a fan-favourite for a reason. It has an internal sleeve for a laptop, a side pocket for a water bottle and is made of water-repellent fabric to keep all your items safe. This unique tote can be worn crossbody style for versatility. It's crafted from water-repellent fabric and has interior and exterior pockets to store your valuables.
PA lawmaker announces new law criminalizing AI-generated deepfake child pornography
Photos: Remembering Jimmy Carter, the 39th US presidentSyracuse, Albany each hoping to get right at expense of the otherPaid sick leave laws continue their expansion across the United States. The three most recent additions to the cadre of states with a paid sick leave law are Alaska, Missouri, and Nebraska. All three new state laws were passed through a ballot initiative process, bypassing the states’ legislatures. The continued trend of new state sick leave requirements continues to challenge multi-state employers who must monitor and comply with sick leave laws in 18 states and the District of Columbia, not to mention the various local ordinances requiring paid sick leave. Below is a quick overview of the three new state sick leave laws, set for implementation in various times in 2025. Alaska Effective July 1, 2025, the new Alaska sick leave law, based on the passing of Ballot Measure 1 , requires the accrual of one (1) sick leave hour for every 30 hours worked. The size of the employer will determine the amount at which the employer can cap accrual and use. Employers with fewer than 15 employees can cap annual accrual and usage at 40 hours per year, while employers with 15 or more employees may cap annual accrual and usage at 56 Hours. All unused sick leave must carry over from year to year — with no cap on the amount that carries over. Certain industries (including many nonprofits, fishing, agriculture, and domestic service) are exempt from the act. The sick leave requirement may be rolled into existing PTO policies, provided that the policy is sufficient to meet the requirements of the law. The ballot measure also included provisions for an increase in minimum wage and a prohibition on requiring employee attendance at meetings regarding the employer’s opinion on religious or political issues. Missouri In Missouri, voters passed Proposition A , which will take effect on May 1, 2025. Like Alaska’s new sick leave law, Missouri employees will accrue one (1) hour of paid sick leave for every 30 hours worked, with an annual usage cap of 40 hours for employers with fewer than 15 employees and 56 hours for those with over 15 employees. Alternatively, under the new Missouri law, employers can frontload the sick leave an employee is expected to accrue in one year. If an employer chooses to frontload the sick leave, it may also elect to pay out unused sick leave at the end of the year, rather than carry the unused leave over to the next year. Employers may roll the sick leave into a PTO policy so long as the PTO policy is sufficient to meet the accrual requirements of the sick leave law and the leave can be used for the same purposes and under the same conditions. Nebraska Nebraska’s new sick leave law is not set to take effect until October 1, 2025 — the latest implementation date of the three new sick leave laws. It, too, became law after Nebraska voters passed a ballot initiative , and it shares some similarities with the Alaska and Missouri laws. Employees will accrue sick leave at a rate of one (1) hour of sick leave for every 30 hours worked. There are differing requirements for small and large employers, but the employee threshold is 19 or fewer employees to limit accrual and use to 40 hours per year, while employers with 20 or more employees may limit accrual and use to 56 hours per year. All accrued paid sick time is carried over from year to year. Alternatively, employers may frontload sick leave. If they do so, they may also pay out unused sick time at the end of the year rather than carry it over. Like the other newly passed state laws, employers may roll this sick leave into an existing PTO policy so long as the policy is sufficient to cover the amount of leave and may be used for the same purposes and under the same conditions as the sick leave law. While many things appear the same or similar between the three new laws, there are differences and details that employers in each of the three states must familiarize themselves with. In addition, because the implementation dates for the new laws are staggered throughout the year, the legislatures of these states may make changes prior to the new laws’ effective dates. As a result, employers with employees in any of these three states should review the requirements in detail and track whether any amendments are passed prior to implementation.
“We are sending a very clear message in Pennsylvania, the use of AI to harm others, especially our children, will not be tolerated,” said state Sen. Tracy Pennycuick. Subscribe to continue reading this article. Already subscribed? To login in, click here.
Share Tweet Share Share Email Blockchain has emerged as a transformative force across various industries. One of its most promising applications is property deed verification, which plays a crucial role in securing ownership records. Property ownership verification ensures transparency, reduces fraud, and streamlines real estate transactions. Traditionally, people have verified property deeds using manual, paper-based systems. These systems are often time-consuming, prone to errors, and vulnerable to fraud. However, blockchain technology provides a secure, immutable, and efficient alternative, transforming the way people record and validate property ownership. Understanding Blockchain Technology Blockchain operates as a decentralized, distributed ledger technology that enables secure and transparent record-keeping. It stores information across a network of computers, ensuring that no single entity controls the data. Each piece of information, or “block,” links to the previous one, forming a continuous chain. Once someone records data on a blockchain , it cannot be altered or tampered with without the consensus of the network participants, making blockchain highly secure and resistant to fraud. The key features of blockchain technology include: Decentralization: No central authority controls the blockchain, reducing the risk of manipulation and fraud. Immutability: Once data is recorded, it cannot be changed or deleted, ensuring the integrity of property records. Transparency: All participants in the blockchain network can access and verify the data, fostering trust and accountability. These characteristics make blockchain an ideal solution for property deed verification, offering a new way to secure ownership records while minimizing the risks associated with traditional methods. The Challenges of Traditional Property Deed Verification Before diving into how blockchain can revolutionize property deed verification, it’s essential to understand the challenges of traditional systems. Real estate transactions have long been plagued by issues such as: Fraud and Forgery: Property deed fraud is a significant concern. Fraudulent activities, such as forging signatures or falsifying property titles, can result in legal disputes and financial losses. Inefficiency: Manual, paper-based systems are slow and prone to errors. Property records are often stored in multiple locations, leading to delays in verifying ownership and transferring properties. Lack of Transparency: Traditional systems can be opaque, making it difficult for buyers, sellers, and other stakeholders to verify the authenticity of property deeds and ownership records. Data Security Risks: Physical property records are vulnerable to theft, natural disasters, and other unforeseen events that can result in the loss or destruction of vital ownership documents. Blockchain addresses these challenges by providing a digital, secure, and transparent method for verifying property deeds. How Blockchain Revolutionizes Property Deed Verification Blockchain technology has the potential to completely overhaul the property deed verification process. By digitizing and decentralizing ownership records, blockchain ensures that property deeds are secure, tamper-proof, and easily accessible. Here’s how it works: Digitization of Property Deeds In a blockchain-based property deed verification system, property deeds are digitized and stored as electronic records on the blockchain. These digital records contain essential details such as the property’s legal description, the owner’s information, and the transaction history. Each deed is associated with a unique identifier, making it easy to track and verify. Immutable Records Once a property deed is recorded on the blockchain, it becomes immutable. This means that no one can alter or delete the information without the consensus of the network participants. This feature eliminates the possibility of forgery or tampering, ensuring that ownership records are accurate and reliable. Decentralized Ownership Verification Blockchain’s decentralized nature ensures that property ownership is verified by a distributed network of participants, rather than relying on a central authority. This reduces the risk of fraud and manipulation by providing an additional layer of security. Each participant in the network has access to the same data, which enhances transparency and trust. Smart Contracts for Property Transactions Smart contracts are self-executing agreements with the terms written directly into code. They can streamline the property transaction process by automating various aspects, such as transferring ownership and releasing payments. In a blockchain-based system, smart contracts remove the need for intermediaries and ensure that transactions complete securely and on time . Real-Time Access to Ownership Records One of the biggest advantages of blockchain for property deed verification is its ability to provide real-time access to ownership records. In a blockchain-based system, everyone involved in the transaction—whether a buyer, seller, or legal professional—can access the most up-to-date and accurate information about the property. This feature eliminates delays caused by waiting for physical records or manual verification. Benefits of Blockchain for Property Deed Verification Enhanced Security Blockchain’s encryption and decentralization make it highly secure. Storing property deeds on a blockchain significantly reduces the risk of data breaches, unauthorized access, or alterations. The immutability of blockchain records guarantees that once someone records a property deed, no one can tamper with it, providing an added layer of protection against fraud. Increased Transparency With blockchain, all participants in the network can access the same information, ensuring that property ownership records are transparent and easily verifiable. Buyers can check the history of a property, confirming its ownership and any past transactions, without relying on third parties or intermediaries. This fosters trust and confidence in the real estate market. Faster Transactions Traditional property transactions can take weeks or even months to complete, primarily due to the time it takes to verify ownership records and transfer documents. Blockchain speeds up this process by automating many aspects of the transaction, including deed verification and transfer of ownership. This significantly reduces the time and cost involved in property deals. Cost Savings By eliminating the need for paper-based records, manual verification, and intermediaries, blockchain can reduce transaction costs. Property buyers and sellers no longer need to pay for title searches, notary fees, or other administrative costs associated with traditional deed verification processes. Smart contracts further reduce the need for middlemen, such as lawyers and real estate agents, allowing parties to conduct transactions directly with one another. Reduced Risk of Fraud Property fraud is a significant issue in real estate, with fraudulent deeds and forged signatures causing major problems for buyers and sellers alike. Blockchain’s immutability and decentralized nature make it nearly impossible for anyone to alter property records or create false deeds. The Future of Blockchain in Property Deed Verification While blockchain is still in the early stages of adoption in the real estate sector, its potential to transform property deed verification is undeniable. Governments and private companies around the world are exploring ways to implement blockchain solutions for land registries and property transactions. Several countries, including Sweden, Georgia, and the United Arab Emirates, have already begun testing blockchain-based property registries, paving the way for broader adoption. As blockchain technology continues to mature, it is likely that more jurisdictions will embrace it as a means of securing property deeds and streamlining real estate transactions. In the future, blockchain could become the standard for property deed verification, offering a faster, more secure, and more efficient alternative to traditional systems. Conclusion Blockchain technology is revolutionizing the way property deeds are verified, offering a secure, transparent, and efficient solution to the challenges of traditional real estate systems. By digitizing ownership records, providing immutable verification, and automating transactions through smart contracts, blockchain has the potential to significantly reduce fraud, enhance security, and speed up property transactions. As the technology continues to gain traction, it could transform the real estate industry , making property ownership verification more accessible and trustworthy than ever before. Related Items: Blockchain Technology , Property Deed Verification , Securing Ownership Records Share Tweet Share Share Email Recommended for you Digital Brokers & Marketplaces: Simplifying Insurance Choices for Consumers Tokenized Commodities: Investing in Oil, Gold, Natural Gas, and More Tokenization of Real-World Assets: Bringing Physical Assets to the Blockchain CommentsDana Hull | (TNS) Bloomberg News Jared Birchall, Elon Musk’s money manager and the head of his family office, is listed as the chief executive officer. Jehn Balajadia, a longtime Musk aide who has worked at SpaceX and the Boring Co., is named as an official contact. Related Articles National Politics | Bill Clinton is out of the hospital after being treated for the flu National Politics | Biden will decide on US Steel acquisition after influential panel fails to reach consensus National Politics | Biden vetoes once-bipartisan effort to add 66 federal judgeships, citing ‘hurried’ House action National Politics | A history of the Panama Canal — and why Trump can’t take it back on his own National Politics | President-elect Trump wants to again rename North America’s tallest peak But they’re not connected to Musk’s new technology venture, or the political operation that’s endeared him to Donald Trump. Instead, they’re tied to the billionaire’s new Montessori school outside Bastrop, Texas, called Ad Astra, according to documents filed with state authorities and obtained via a Texas Public Information Act request. The world’s richest person oversees an overlapping empire of six companies — or seven, if you include his political action committee. Alongside rockets, electric cars, brain implants, social media and the next Trump administration, he is increasingly focused on education, spanning preschool to college. One part of his endeavor was revealed last year, when Bloomberg News reported that his foundation had set aside roughly $100 million to create a technology-focused primary and secondary school in Austin, with eventual plans for a university. An additional $137 million in cash and stock was allotted last year, according to the most recent tax filing for the Musk Foundation. Ad Astra is closer to fruition. The state documents show Texas authorities issued an initial permit last month, clearing the way for the center to operate with as many as 21 pupils. Ad Astra’s website says it’s “currently open to all children ages 3 to 9.” The school’s account on X includes job postings for an assistant teacher for preschool and kindergarten and an assistant teacher for students ages 6 to 9. To run the school, Ad Astra is partnering with a company that has experience with billionaires: Xplor Education, which developed Hala Kahiki Montessori school in Lanai, Hawaii, the island 98% owned by Oracle Corp. founder Larry Ellison. Ad Astra sits on a highway outside Bastrop, a bedroom community about 30 miles from Austin and part of a region that’s home to several of Musk’s businesses. On a visit during a recent weekday morning, there was a single Toyota Prius in the parking lot and no one answered the door at the white building with a gray metal roof. The school’s main entrance was blocked by a gate, and there was no sign of any children on the grounds. But what information there is about Ad Astra makes it sound like a fairly typical, if high-end, Montessori preschool. The proposed schedule includes “thematic, STEM-based activities and projects” as well as outdoor play and nap time. A sample snack calendar features carrots and hummus. While Birchall’s and Balajadia’s names appear in the application, it isn’t clear that they’ll have substantive roles at the school once it’s operational. Musk, Birchall and Balajadia didn’t respond to emailed questions. A phone call and email to the school went unanswered. Access to high quality, affordable childcare is a huge issue for working parents across the country, and tends to be an especially vexing problem in rural areas like Bastrop. Many families live in “childcare deserts” where there is either not a facility or there isn’t an available slot. Opening Ad Astra gives Musk a chance to showcase his vision for education, and his support for the hands-on learning and problem solving that are a hallmark of his industrial companies. His public comments about learning frequently overlap with cultural concerns popular among conservatives and the Make America Great Again crowd, often focusing on what he sees as young minds being indoctrinated by teachers spewing left-wing propaganda. He has railed against diversity, equity and inclusion efforts, and in August posted that “a lot of schools are teaching white boys to hate themselves.” Musk’s educational interests dovetail with his new role as Trump’s “first buddy.” The billionaire has pitched a role for himself that he — and now the incoming Trump administration — call “DOGE,” or the Department of Government Efficiency. Though it’s not an actual department, DOGE now posts on X, the social media platform that Musk owns. “The Department of Education spent over $1 billion promoting DEI in America’s schools,” the account posted Dec. 12. Back in Texas, Bastrop is quickly becoming a key Musk point of interest. The Boring Co., his tunneling venture, is based in an unincorporated area there. Across the road, SpaceX produces Starlink satellites at a 500,000-square-foot (46,000-square-meter) facility. Nearby, X is constructing a building for trust and safety workers. Musk employees, as well as the general public, can grab snacks at the Boring Bodega, a convenience store housed within Musk’s Hyperloop Plaza, which also contains a bar, candy shop and hair salon. Ad Astra is just a five-minute drive away. It seems to have been designed with the children of Musk’s employees — if not Musk’s own offspring — in mind. Musk has fathered at least 12 children, six of them in the last five years. “Ad Astra’s mission is to foster curiosity, creativity, and critical thinking in the next generation of problem solvers and builders,” reads the school’s website. A job posting on the website of the Montessori Institute of North Texas says “While their parents support the breakthroughs that expand the realm of human possibility, their children will grow into the next generation of innovators in a way that only authentic Montessori can provide.” The school has hired an executive director, according to documents Bloomberg obtained from Texas Health and Human Services. Ad Astra is located on 40 acres of land, according to the documents, which said a 4,000-square-foot house would be remodeled for the preschool. It isn’t uncommon for entrepreneurs to take an interest in education, according to Bill Gormley, a professor emeritus at the McCourt School of Public Policy at Georgetown University who studies early childhood education. Charles Butt, the chairman of the Texas-based H-E-B grocery chain, has made public education a focus of his philanthropy. Along with other business and community leaders, Butt founded “Raise Your Hand Texas,” which advocates on school funding, teacher workforce and retention issues and fully funding pre-kindergarten. “Musk is not the only entrepreneur to recognize the value of preschool for Texas workers,” Gormley said. “A lot of politicians and business people get enthusiastic about education in general — and preschool in particular — because they salivate at the prospect of a better workforce.” Musk spent much of October actively campaigning for Trump’s presidential effort, becoming the most prolific donor of the election cycle. He poured at least $274 million into political groups in 2024, including $238 million to America PAC, the political action committee he founded. While the vast majority of money raised by America PAC came from Musk himself, it also had support from other donors. Betsy DeVos, who served as education secretary in Trump’s first term, donated $250,000, federal filings show. The Department of Education is already in the new administration’s cross hairs. Trump campaigned on the idea of disbanding the department and dismantling diversity initiatives, and he has also taken aim at transgender rights. “Rather than indoctrinating young people with inappropriate racial, sexual, and political material, which is what we’re doing now, our schools must be totally refocused to prepare our children to succeed in the world of work,” Trump wrote in Agenda 47, his campaign platform. Musk has three children with the musician Grimes and three with Shivon Zilis, who in the past was actively involved at Neuralink, his brain machine interface company. All are under the age of five. Musk took X, his son with Grimes, with him on a recent trip to Capitol Hill. After his visit, he shared a graphic that showed the growth of administrators in America’s public schools since 2000. Musk is a fan of hands-on education. During a Tesla earnings call in 2018, he talked about the need for more electricians as the electric-car maker scaled up the energy side of its business. On the Joe Rogan podcast in 2020, Musk said that “too many smart people go into finance and law.” “I have a lot of respect for people who work with their hands and we need electricians and plumbers and carpenters,” Musk said while campaigning for Trump in Pennsylvania in October. “That’s a lot more important than having incremental political science majors.” Ad Astra’s website says the cost of tuition will be initially subsidized, but in future years “tuition will be in line with local private schools that include an extended day program.” “I do think we need significant reform in education,” Musk said at a separate Trump campaign event. “The priority should be to teach kids skills that they will find useful later in life, and to leave any sort of social propaganda out of the classroom.” With assistance from Sophie Alexander and Kara Carlson. ©2024 Bloomberg News. Visit at bloomberg.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.Chelsea’s surprise defeat by Fulham meant victory over the Foxes stretched their lead to seven points, with a match in hand, with the halfway point of the campaign fast approaching. But Slot is maintaining his level-headed approach despite the clamour growing around their chances of adding another title to the one won in 2020. Tonight's goalscorers 💪 — Liverpool FC (@LFC) “If you are in this game for a long time like the players and I am then 20 games before the end you don’t look at it as there are so many challenges ahead of you,” he said after Cody Gakpo, Curtis Jones and Mohamed Salah scored to turn around an early deficit following Jordan Ayew’s strike. “Injuries and and a bit of bad luck can happen to any team, it is far too early to be already celebrating – but it is nice for us to be where we are. “I don’t think there was any easy win for us in any of these games; it could have been an easy win against Tottenham but we conceded two and it was then 5-2 – that tells you how difficult it is to win even when you have all your players available. “That is why we have to take it one game at a time. The league table is something of course we are aware of but we always understand how many games there are to go.” Leicester boss Ruud van Nistelrooy felt his side held their own until Salah scored in the 82nd minute. “I think we were in the contest for a result for a long time,” he said. “Three-one was the turning point in the sense the game was done there to get a result. “I think the 60th minute I remember a chanced for Daka to score the equaliser so we were in the game to get a surprising result. “We did well, we did what we could: a good start with the goal but if you speak of a turning point, 3-1 with Salah, the game was done.” Van Nistelrooy left goalkeeper Danny Ward out of the squad after he struggled in the defeat to Wolves and was jeered by his own fans. “The change in goal was one to make and the conversation with Wardy was impressive, the way he was thinking of the team and the club,” added the Dutchman. “I insisted on a conversation and of course it is a private conversation but what I want to share is the person and the professional he is. “I was impressed with that and his willingness for the team and the club to do well. “Really tough what happened for him. We are professionals but human beings as well, when frustration is being directed towards one person that is difficult.”
Elon Musk’s preschool is the next step in his anti-woke education dreamsBrowns sticking with QB Jameis Winston down the stretch as dismal season heads into final weeks
Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.US lawmakers back Covid Chinese lab leak theory after two-year probe