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WASHINGTON (AP) — U.S. prosecutors are accusing two senior Syrian officials of overseeing a notorious torture center that abused peaceful protesters, including a 26-year-old American woman who was later believed to have been executed. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * WASHINGTON (AP) — U.S. prosecutors are accusing two senior Syrian officials of overseeing a notorious torture center that abused peaceful protesters, including a 26-year-old American woman who was later believed to have been executed. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? WASHINGTON (AP) — U.S. prosecutors are accusing two senior Syrian officials of overseeing a notorious torture center that abused peaceful protesters, including a 26-year-old American woman who was later believed to have been executed. The indictment was released Monday, two days after a shock rebel offensive overthrew Syrian President Bashar Assad. The U.S., U.N. and others accuse him of widespread human rights abuses in a 13-year battle to crush opposition forces seeking his removal from power. The war, which began as a largely nonviolent popular uprising in 2011, has killed half a million people. The indictment, filed Nov. 18 in federal court in Chicago, is believed to be the U.S. government’s first against what officials say were networks of Assad intelligence services and military branches that detained, tortured and killed thousands of perceived enemies. It names Jamil Hassan, director of the Syrian air force’s intelligence branch, who prosecutors say oversaw a prison and torture center at the Mezzeh air force base in the capital, Damascus, and Abdul Salam Mahmoud, who prosecutors say ran the prison. Victims included Syrians, Americans and dual citizens, the indictment said. The U.S.-based Syrian Emergency Task Force has long pushed federal prosecutors for action on one case, that of 26-year-old American aid worker Layla Shweikani. Winnipeg Jets Game Days On Winnipeg Jets game days, hockey writers Mike McIntyre and Ken Wiebe send news, notes and quotes from the morning skate, as well as injury updates and lineup decisions. Arrives a few hours prior to puck drop. The group presented witnesses who testified of Shweikani’s 2016 torture at the prison. Syrian rights groups believe she was later executed at the Saydnaya military prison in the Damascus suburbs. The whereabouts of the two Syrian officials were not immediately known, and the prospects of bringing them to trial were unclear. Assad’s toppling by the rebels over the weekend has scattered his government and left citizens searching prison torture centers around the country for survivors and evidence. Advertisement Advertisement
On Monday, US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan had a conversation with Bangladesh's interim government Chief Adviser, Muhammad Yunus. They highlighted a mutual commitment to protecting human rights for all citizens, as per a press release from the US government. Sullivan expressed gratitude for Yunus's leadership during such challenging times for Bangladesh. The US official reassured Yunus that the United States remains committed to supporting a stable, prosperous, and democratic Bangladesh. This comes after former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled to India amidst escalating anti-government protests, leading to violence against minorities in Bangladesh. Moreover, the White House emphasized President Joe Biden's focus on Bangladesh's situation. While ensuring the interim government's accountability for minority protection, Bangladesh is seeking Hasina's extradition from India, potentially straining bilateral ties with New Delhi. (With inputs from agencies.)Amazon’s Teamsters strike enters 5th day at 4 Southern California warehouses
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(Continuing Himal Southasian article by Tisaranee Gunasekera) On September 21, 2024, Sri Lanka will hold (Note: this was written before the election) its ninth presidential election. Unlike all previous such polls, which were in effect two-way battles between the governing party and the main opposition party, this is a three-way contest between Wickremesinghe, Premadasa of the SJB and Dissanayake of the JVP – the latter heading a coalition dubbed National People’s Power (NPP). But the election is taking place on a battleground largely of Wickremesinghe’s making. The 21st Amendment he pushed through gave birth to an independent Election Commission. He also enacted a campaign finance law that enables the commission to decide the amounts candidates can spend and to enforce these limits. The commission is conducting this election with unprecedented even-handedness and applying long-ignored election laws – including against Wickremesinghe’s own campaign. Wickremesinghe’s deal with the IMF earlier came under severe opposition criticism; Wickremesinghe’s campaign theme, “Sri Lanka Can”, is a spin on the decades-old “Ranil Can’t”. He claims credit, rightly, for saving Sri Lanka from going the way of Lebanon or Greece, and for achieving an economic turnaround less than two years after the country went bankrupt. It is due to his machinations that the Rajapaksa candidate is vying for third position in this election rather than first. And despite his authoritarian tendencies, he has contributed to the strengthening of Sri Lankan democracy. The 2024 presidential election promises to be Sri Lanka’s most free, fair and non-violent poll in living memory, thanks in the main to the constitutional and legal changes Wickremesinghe effected. And, II. RANIL WICKREMESINGHE got his start in national politics in 1977, when the UNP won a landslide victory in a parliamentary election. He was one of the Young Turks surrounding the new prime minister, J R Jayewardene, though not a front-ranker. After a brief stint as the deputy minister of foreign affairs, he became, at the age of 28, Sri Lanka’s youngest ever cabinet minister to that point, in charge of youth affairs and employment. In this capacity he set up the National Youth Services Council, which provided many talented young men and women with a springboard into prominence and success, especially in the cultural fields. In 1980, Wickremesinghe became the minister of education. By then Jayewardene had introduced two systemic changes which remain in place today. He opened up the economy, doing away with a model of protectionism and state control that had resulted in major shortages and queues in the preceding years. He also replaced the parliamentary form of governance with a particularly authoritarian executive presidency – which, unsurprisingly, he assumed himself. In 1945, Ceylon – still a British colony – introduced free primary and secondary education. Free tertiary education soon followed. But by the late 1960s and early 1970s, free and universal education had given rise to an “inflationary” situation in the labour market, with too many graduates – mostly from the arts stream and largely mono-lingual – chasing too few jobs, mainly in the public sector. In 1971, the JVP launched an insurgency that exposed this contradiction and its political consequences, with educated but unemployed youth forming the main force of a bloody attempt at armed socialist revolution. Wickremesinghe proposed a set of education reforms as a solution to this problem. The main aim of his proposal – known simply as the White Paper – was to reduce unemployment by making future graduates more employable in the private sector. University admissions were to be streamlined based on the needs of the economy, producing fewer graduates in the arts and more in fields like science and technology. Arts students would be taught at least one science subject. Students would be exposed to industry, schools would have career-guidance units, and students would have to choose between academic and vocational or technical education when they reached the eighth grade, leaving the school system if they picked the latter. But the proposals failed to contend with a fundamental fact: an absolute majority of graduates did not want to be employed in the private sector. Most students belonged to the Sinhala rural middle class, and this class had long regarded government jobs, with their permanence and pensions, as the acme of success. More than that, these students regarded government jobs as a right – particularly after the Sinhala Only Act and other reforms in the preceding decades had tilted the balance of public education and employment in the favour of the Sinhala community, while shutting out the country’s Tamil minority. They regarded Wickremesinghe’s reforms as a class-based conspiracy to deprive them of upward social mobility. The White Paper failed to withstand the opposition to it, which crossed party lines, and Wickremesinghe was forced to withdraw it. University student unions played a leading role in securing this outcome. Then, in 1983, democratically-elected student councils were abolished – a decision commonly blamed on Wickremesinghe. This would soon backfire. For as long as they were elected bodies, student councils had to maintain a balance between political and welfare work. The unofficial and unelected action committees which replaced them could focus on politics alone. The ban led to the rapid radicalization of the student movement and its eventual takeover by the JVP. This movement played a key role in a second insurgency, in the latter half of the 1980s, that was even bloodier than the first. Wickremesinghe’s botched attempt at educational reform bestowed on him a lifelong reputation for being inorganic, a socio-political and cultural alien. The UNP, despite commanding a rural support base, was commonly regarded as less of a pro-people party than its main competitor, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), which called for socialist economic policies (in reality, state capitalism) and championed Sinhala nationalism. Some UNP leaders were able to transcend this to an extent with popular programmes and a populist demeanour – the future president Ranasinghe Premadasa, for example, whose signature scheme was a massive housing programme. Wickremesinghe may have meant his reforms to be a popular platform for his own ambitions, but they achieved the very opposite effect. His stiff public manner, his manifest inability to connect with an audience – already in evidence in his failure to sell his reforms to the populace – further cemented his image as being disconnected and withdrawn. It would come to haunt him at critical points in his career. If Wickremesinghe lacked the gifts of a natural politician, he was amply blessed in social and political pedigree. Born in Colombo in 1949, he was a nephew of J R Jayewardene and the grandson of D R Wijewardene, the country’s pioneering press baron. His father, Esmond Wickremesinghe, was a prominent UNP leader and managing director of the Lake House publications until they were nationalized by an SLFP government in 1973. By then Wickremesinghe had passed through Royal College, one of the country’s most distinguished schools, and then the University of Ceylon, where he studied law and became involved with the UNP’s youth wing. Wickremesinghe got his most important break under Jayewardene’s successor, Ranasinghe Premadasa. Premadasa appointed Wickremesinghe as the leader of the house in 1989, soon after he took over the presidency, bypassing Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake. Athulathmudali and Dissanayake had been Premadasa’s competitors for the UNP leadership. He did not trust them and felt they would try to undermine his leadership at the first opportunity. Wickremesinghe, by contrast, was younger and thus not a threat. A joint attempt in 1991 by Dissanayake, Athulathmudali and the opposition to impeach Premadasa proved his instincts correct. When Sirisena Cooray, Premadasa’s long-standing companion and UNP general secretary, organized a round of top-secret meetings between the UNP and the rebels, Wickremesinghe was asked to join – a sign of the trust Premadasa reposed in him. The talks failed, as did the impeachment, and Athulathmudali and Dissanayake were expelled from the UNP. Wickremesinghe became, by default, a frontline leader of the UNP. Wickremesinghe remained steadfastly loyal to Premadasa before, during and after the impeachment attempt, defending the president within and outside parliament. And, over the years, he built up a reputation for understated competence. He did not dazzle, but did the job he was given without making unwanted waves. If Wickremesinghe had leadership ambitions, he did not wear them on his sleeve. Instead, he built a close relationship with important Premadasa loyalists – especially Cooray. By inches, he cemented an image of himself, based largely on fact, as a true party-man, a loyal UNP-er who never let the side or the leader down. The seeds of Wickremesinghe’s reputation as a protector of the minorities were also sown during this time. In July 1983, Sri Lanka’s ethnic tensions erupted in a barbaric anti-Tamil pogrom. Militancy escalated in the North and East, and the Sri Lankan state entered a decades-long war against Tamil separatist groups. Premadasa took office while the LTTE was locked in a brutal war with the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF), which had come to Sri Lanka, at Jayewardene’s invitation, to monitor the implementation of the 1987 Indo-Sri Lanka Accord. Premadasa invited the LTTE for talks, much to India’s chagrin, and the Tigers accepted. In 1989, he publicly asked the IPKF to leave. The move was aimed at neutralising the JVP, which had cast its second insurgency as a national liberation struggle against occupying Indian forces. In mid-1990, the peace talks with the LTTE collapsed and the war resumed. Yet Premadasa kept the door open for negotiations and said so. He also became a proponent of the 13th Amendment, which addressed Tamil demands for self-government to a degree via the devolution of some government powers to provincial councils. On May 1, 1993, Premadasa was killed by an LTTE suicide bomber. D B Wijetunga, Premadasa’s hand-picked prime minister, became the acting president and was soon confirmed by parliament. Wijetunga, at the request of Sirisena Cooray, appointed Wickremesinghe as prime minister. Wickremesinghe was also generally credited with the smooth transfer of power following the assassination, thereby gaining a reputation for a cool head in a crisis and a thorough grounding in constitutional nitty-gritty. Later that year, Wijetunga brought Gamini Dissanayake back into the UNP fold. Dissanayake made no secret about his leadership ambitions. Cooray responded with a highly symbolic gesture; he presented Wickremesinghe with Premadasa’s Colombo-Central constituency – which Premadasa had called his “other child” and had handed over to Cooray when he became president. A tussle for eventual party leadership was in the making, with Wickremesinghe pitted against Dissanayake. In 1994, Wijetunga called a sudden parliamentary election, taking even his own cabinet by surprise. The gambit did not work out well for him or the UNP. The party was roundly beaten by the People’s Alliance (PA), led by Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga of the SLFP. Dissanayake tried to form a minority government with the backing of smaller parties and possible crossovers, with himself as prime minister. Wickremesinghe forestalled him by resigning from his post as acting prime minister and leaving Temple Trees in a highly publicized and choreographed move – a harbinger of much more UNP infighting to come. Kumaratunga formed the government and took the prime minister’s seat. After 17 long and turbulent years in government, the UNP was back in the opposition. (To be continued next Sunday)An online debate over foreign workers in tech shows tensions in Trump’s political coalitionDUBLIN--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Dec 23, 2024-- The "Brazil Medical Aesthetics Market - Focused Insights 2024-2029" report has been added to ResearchAndMarkets.com 's offering. Brazil's Medical Aesthetics Market was valued at USD 425.40 million in 2023, and is projected to reach USD 838.92 million by 2029, rising at a CAGR of 11.98%. The Brazilian medical aesthetics market report consists of exclusive data on 38 vendors. The market comprises a mix of local and international players, including well-established clinics, emerging startups, and Brazil's cosmetic brands. AbbVie, Bausch Health Companies, Candela, Cutera, Cynosure Lutronic, El.En are leading market players. S.p.A., Galderma, Johnson & Johnson, Lumenis, Merz Pharma, Sientra, Sinclair, and Sisram Medical continually introduce new aesthetic solutions with superior quality and technological features, contributing to the market's competitiveness. These companies also employ strategic business moves such as collaborations, mergers, and acquisitions of smaller and medium-sized market players. KEY TAKEAWAYS MARKET TRENDS & DRIVERS Increasing Demand for Neurotoxins Adopting neurotoxins, particularly Botulinum toxin (commonly known as Botox), has seen a significant rise in the country, transforming the landscape of medical aesthetics. This surge is driven by the increasing demand for non-surgical, minimally invasive cosmetic procedures that offer effective and quick results with minimal downtime. Neurotoxins are primarily used to reduce the appearance of fine lines and wrinkles by temporarily paralyzing the underlying muscles, leading to smoother and more youthful-looking skin. The popularity of these treatments has expanded beyond traditional cosmetic applications to include therapeutic uses, further broadening their appeal and market growth. One of the major factors contributing to the rise in neurotoxin adoption is the growing awareness and acceptance of aesthetic procedures. Social media platforms, celebrity endorsements, and the proliferation of beauty influencers have played a crucial role in normalizing cosmetic enhancements. This has increased consumer interest and willingness to undergo such treatments, particularly among younger demographics seeking preventive measures against aging. The accessibility and affordability of neurotoxin treatments have also improved, making them more attainable for a broader audience. The therapeutic applications of neurotoxins have also contributed to their widespread adoption. Beyond cosmetic uses, neurotoxins are employed in the treatment of various medical conditions, such as chronic migraines, hyperhidrosis (excessive sweating), muscle spasticity, and even depression. These therapeutic benefits have been well-documented and accepted within the medical community, leading to increased utilization in clinical settings. Neurotoxins' dual cosmetic and therapeutic applications provide a compelling value proposition, driving their adoption across different medical specialties. Growing Demand for Minimally-invasive Aesthetic Procedures The growing demand for minimally invasive aesthetic procedures has become a significant trend in the medical aesthetics industry, driven by technological advancements, changing patient preferences, and the increasing desire for procedures that offer effective results with minimal downtime and risk. This shift towards less invasive treatments has reshaped the landscape of cosmetic enhancements, making them more accessible and appealing to a broader range of individuals. One of the primary factors driving the demand for minimally invasive aesthetic procedures is the advancement in medical technology. Innovations in lasers, injectables, and energy-based devices have revolutionized the field, providing effective alternatives to traditional surgical methods. Procedures such as Botox injections, dermal fillers, laser skin resurfacing, and non-surgical fat reduction have become increasingly popular due to their ability to deliver noticeable improvements with fewer complications and shorter recovery periods compared to surgical options. These technological advancements have significantly enhanced the safety, efficacy, and precision of minimally invasive treatments, making them a preferred choice for many patients. The increasing awareness and acceptance of aesthetic procedures have also played a crucial role in the rising popularity of minimally invasive options. Increasing Consumer Base for Aesthetics The increasing consumer base for aesthetics is a testament to the growing demand for cosmetic procedures and treatments across diverse demographics. This expansion is driven by several factors, including societal acceptance, technological advancements, improved accessibility, and shifting cultural perceptions about beauty and self-care. One of the significant factors contributing to the increasing consumer base is the broadening societal acceptance of aesthetic procedures. Once considered a luxury for the wealthy or a taboo subject, cosmetic enhancements have become mainstream. Influencers, celebrities, and social media platforms have played a crucial role in normalizing these procedures, openly discussing their experiences and sharing results. This visibility has reduced the stigma associated with aesthetic treatments, encouraging more people to consider and undergo such procedures. Technological advancements in medical aesthetics have also significantly contributed to the growing consumer base. Innovations in non-invasive and minimally invasive procedures, such as laser treatments, injectables, and body contouring technologies, offer effective results with minimal downtime and reduced risk compared to traditional surgical methods. These advancements have made aesthetic treatments more appealing to a broader audience, including individuals who might have previously hesitated due to concerns about safety or recovery time. INDUSTRY RESTRAINTS Scarcity of Qualified Aestheticians The scarcity of qualified aestheticians is a pressing issue within the beauty and wellness industry, impacting service quality and skilled professionals' availability to meet growing consumer demand. Aestheticians are crucial in providing a range of skincare treatments, from facials and peels to more advanced procedures like laser therapies and microdermabrasion. Moreover, the misconception that aesthetics is primarily about pampering rather than professional skincare can deter individuals from pursuing formal training and certification. This perception undermines the importance of aestheticians as healthcare professionals who can address various skin conditions and concerns through evidence-based treatments. Addressing the scarcity of qualified aestheticians requires concerted efforts from multiple stakeholders. Education institutions and industry associations can collaborate to standardize curricula, enhance training programs, and establish clear pathways to licensure or certification. Regulatory bodies are crucial in setting and enforcing standards that ensure practitioners meet minimum competency requirements. VENDOR LANDSCAPE Key Vendors Other Prominent Vendors KEY QUESTIONS ANSWERED Key Attributes: Key Topics Covered: Chapter - 1: Medical Aesthetics Market Overview Chapter - 2: Medical Aesthetics Market Chapter - 3: Medical Aesthetics Market Segmentation Data Brazil: Projected Revenue by Product (2020-2029; $Millions) Brazil: Projected Revenue by Procedure (2020-2029; $Millions) Brazil: Projected Revenue by Gender (2020-2029; $Millions) Brazil: Projected Revenue by Age Group (2020-2029; $Millions) Brazil: Projected Revenue by Application (2020-2029; $Millions) Brazil: Projected Revenue by End-user (2020-2029; $Millions) Chapter - 4: Medical Aesthetics Market Prospects & Opportunities Chapter - 5: Medical Aesthetics Industry Overview For more information about this report visit https://www.researchandmarkets.com/r/zhligm About ResearchAndMarkets.com ResearchAndMarkets.com is the world's leading source for international market research reports and market data. We provide you with the latest data on international and regional markets, key industries, the top companies, new products and the latest trends. View source version on businesswire.com : https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241223065295/en/ CONTACT: ResearchAndMarkets.com Laura Wood, Senior Press Manager press@researchandmarkets.com For E.S.T Office Hours Call 1-917-300-0470 For U.S./ CAN Toll Free Call 1-800-526-8630 For GMT Office Hours Call +353-1-416-8900 KEYWORD: LATIN AMERICA SOUTH AMERICA BRAZIL INDUSTRY KEYWORD: GENERAL HEALTH HEALTH COSMETICS RETAIL PHARMACEUTICAL SOURCE: Research and Markets Copyright Business Wire 2024. PUB: 12/23/2024 01:39 PM/DISC: 12/23/2024 01:40 PM http://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20241223065295/en
An online debate over foreign workers in tech shows tensions in Trump’s political coalitionNEW YORK , Dec. 23, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Average weekly trading volume of approximately 529,390 shares Fund's adviser has more than 50 years of small- and micro-cap investment experience CLOSING PRICES AS OF 11/30/24 NAV 11.80 MKT 10.32 AVERAGE ANNUAL TOTAL RETURN AS OF 11/30/24 NAV (%) MKT (%) One-Month* 11.32 10.73 Year to Date* 19.30 18.23 One-Year 32.77 31.23 Three-Year 6.30 6.46 Five-Year 14.13 13.80 10-Year 10.17 9.69 *Not Annualized Important Performance and Expense Information All performance information reflects past performance, is presented on a total return basis, net of the Fund's investment advisory fee, and reflects the reinvestment of distributions. Past performance is no guarantee of future results Current performance may be higher or lower than performance quoted. Returns as of the recent month-end may be obtained at www.royceinvest.com . The market price of the Fund's shares will fluctuate, so that shares may be worth more or less than their original cost when sold. The Fund normally invests in micro-cap companies, which may involve considerably more risk than investing in larger-cap companies. The Fund's broadly diversified portfolio does not ensure a profit or guarantee against loss. PORTFOLIO DIAGNOSTICS Average Market Cap 1 $854.6M Weighted Average P/B 2 2.2x Net Assets $603.1M 1 Geometric Average : This weighted calculation uses each portfolio holding's market cap in a way designed to not skew the effect of very large or small holdings; instead, it aims to better identify the portfolio's center, which Royce believes offers a more accurate measure of average market cap than a simple mean or median. 2 Harmonic Average : This weighted calculation evaluates a portfolio as if it were a single stock and measures it overall. It compares the total market value of the portfolio to the portfolio's share in the earnings of its underlying stocks. The Price-to-Book , or P/B, Ratio is calculated by dividing a company's share price by its book value per share. Portfolio Composition TOP 10 POSITIONS % OF NET ASSETS (SUBJECT TO CHANGE) Transcat 1.8 Sprott 1.7 PAR Technology 1.6 Richardson Electronics 1.6 Universal Technical Institute 1.5 Applied Optoelectronics 1.5 BioLife Solutions 1.3 Mesa Laboratories 1.3 IES Holdings 1.2 nLIGHT 1.2 TOP FIVE SECTORS % OF NET ASSETS (SUBJECT TO CHANGE) Information Technology 23.3 Industrials 23.3 Financials 16.1 Health Care 11.8 Consumer Discretionary 5.7 Recent Developments Royce Micro-Cap Trust, Inc. is a closed-end diversified investment company whose shares of Common Stock (RMT) are listed and traded on the New York Stock Exchange. The Fund's investment goal is long-term capital growth, which it seeks by investing primarily in equity securities of companies that, at the time of investment, have market capitalization of $1 billion or less. Daily net asset values (NAVs) for Royce Micro-Cap Trust, Inc. are now available on our website and online through most ticker symbol lookup services and on broker terminals under the symbol XOTCX. For more information, please call The Royce Funds at (800) 221-4268 or visit our website at www.royceinvest.com An investor in Royce Micro-Cap Trust should consider the Fund's investment goals, risks, fees, and expenses carefully before investing. Important Disclosure Information Closed-End Funds are registered investment companies whose shares of common stock may trade at a discount to their net asset value. Shares of each Fund's common stock are also subject to the market risks of investing in the underlying portfolio securities held by the Fund. Royce Fund Services, LLC. ("RFS") is a member of FINRA and has filed this material with FINRA on behalf of each Fund. RFS does not serve as a distributor or as an underwriter to the closed-end funds. View original content: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/royce-micro-cap-trust-nyse-rmt-as-of-nov-30-2024-302338580.html SOURCE Royce Micro-Cap Trust, Inc. © 2024 Benzinga.com. Benzinga does not provide investment advice. All rights reserved.
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SAN DIEGO, Dec. 13, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Shareholder rights law firm Robbins LLP is investigating Proficient Auto Logistics, Inc. (NASDAQ: PAL) to determine whether certain Proficient Auto Logistics officers and directors violated securities laws and breached fiduciary duties to shareholders. Proficient Auto Logistics focuses on providing auto transportation and logistics services in North America. What Now: If you own shares of Proficient Auto Logistics, Inc. and have lost money in your investment, contact us for more information about your rights. All representation is on a contingency fee basis. Shareholders pay no fees or expenses. Contact us to learn more: Aaron Dumas, Jr. (800) 350-6003 adumas@robbinsllp.com Shareholder Information Form About Robbins LLP : A recognized leader in shareholder rights litigation, the attorneys and staff of Robbins LLP have been dedicated to helping shareholders recover losses, improve corporate governance structures, and hold company executives accountable for their wrongdoing since 2002. Since our inception, we have obtained over $1 billion for shareholders. To be notified if a class action against Proficient Auto Logistics, Inc. settles or to receive free alerts when corporate executives engage in wrongdoing, sign up for Stock Watch today. Attorney Advertising. Past results do not guarantee a similar outcome.Xavier aims to rebound from a tough week and get one more critical tune-up for a rivalry matchup when it hosts Morgan State on Tuesday night in Cincinnati. The Musketeers (7-2) were ranked No. 22 in the AP poll two weeks ago but fell out after a 25-point loss to Michigan in the Fort Myers Tip-Off tournament final on Nov. 27. Xavier then barely escaped with a 71-68 home win over South Carolina State on Dec. 1 before losing 76-72 at TCU on Thursday. Dante Maddox Jr. came off the bench to score nine points in 20 minutes on three 3-pointers against the Horned Frogs. He also grabbed six rebounds before fouling out. The Musketeers have been waiting for the Toledo transfer to add a punch to an underwhelming bench cast that many thought would be a strength for Xavier coming into the season. "I really feel like you can almost be baited into a false sense of how deep your team is because you're around guys every day and have a good, older group, which we do," Musketeers coach Sean Miller said. "You see the good in a lot of different guys. It's not until you get 8 to 10, 10 to 15 games in when you truly understand how deep your team is." Maddox hit a 3-pointer and started a fastbreak with a steal that gave Xavier a 60-54 lead with 7:28 remaining, but the Musketeers faded down the stretch and lost for the second time in three games. Maddox is averaging 4.7 points per game, while Ryan Conwell leads the team with 16.6. Tuesday's game will be the last chance for Xavier to straighten up before visiting No. 22 Cincinnati on Saturday for the teams' annual intense crosstown showdown. Morgan State (5-7) is coming off a 102-81 road loss at Bowling Green on Saturday. Preseason All-MEAC First Team selection Will Thomas led the Bears with 19 points on 8-of-15 shooting from the field, while Kameron Hobbs scored 12 points off the bench. Amahrie Simpkins made all five of his field-goal attempts to add 11 points and Wynston Tabbs had 10 points, six rebounds and six assists. Tabbs leads Morgan State in scoring this season at 16.8 points per game, while Simpkins (12.8) and Thomas (12.2) round out the Bears' double-digit scorers. The Bears have struggled away from home, losing all five road contests this season. --Field Level Media
Gisèle Benoit still gets goosebumps when she remembers the first time she saw a family of eastern wolves emerge from the forests of the Mauricie National Park, under the backdrop of a rising moon. It was 1984 and Benoit, then in her early 20s, had been using a horn to try to call a bull moose when she instead heard a long howl, followed by an adult wolf stepping out to a rocky shore accompanied by a half-grown youth and four pups. “I will never forget that,” she said of the magical moment. “It’s anchored in my heart forever.” It was only later that Benoit, an artist and documentary filmmaker, learned that the wolves she saw weren’t grey wolves but rather rare eastern wolves. The species, whose population is estimated at fewer than 1,000 mature adults, could soon be further protected by new measures that are raising hopes among conservationists that attitudes toward a once-feared and maligned animal are shifting. In July, the federal government upgraded the eastern wolf’s threat level from “status of special concern” to “threatened,” based on a 2015 report by the Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife in Canada. That report found the population count may be as low as 236 mature individuals in its central Ontario and southern Quebec habitat. The eastern wolf is described as medium-sized canid with reddish-tawny fur that lives in family groups of a breeding pair and their offspring. Also known as the Algonquin wolf, it is largely restricted to existing protected areas, including Algonquin Park in Ontario. The federal Environment Department said in an email that development of a recovery strategy is underway, adding it would be “written in collaboration with provincial governments, federal departments responsible for the federal lands where the eastern wolf is found as well as First Nations groups and Indigenous organizations.” The order triggers protection for the species on federal lands and forces Ottawa to prepare a recovery plan. However, the fight for protection could be an uphill battle in Quebec, which does not even recognize the eastern wolf as a distinct species. A spokesperson for Quebec’s Environment Department said Quebec considers the eastern wolf a “genetic group” rather than its own species. “Recent study shows that the eastern wolf is a distinct entity, even if it comes from several crosses between the grey wolf and the coyote,” Daniel Labonté wrote in an email. “However, scientific knowledge does not demonstrate that this genetic grouping constitutes a species in its own right.” Labonté added that this lack of recognition was not a barrier to protecting the animal, since the law also allows for protection of subspecies or wildlife populations. In October, Quebec launched a program to collect samples to improve knowledge on the distribution of large canines, including the eastern wolf. The government said it is currently “impossible to assert that there is an established population” in Quebec due to low numbers — amounting to three per cent of analyzed samples — and the “strong hybridization that exists among large canids.” Véronique Armstrong, co-founder of a Quebec wildlife protection association, says she’s feeling positive about both the Canadian and Quebec governments’ attitudes. While wolves were once “stigmatized, even persecuted,” she said, “we seem to be heading in the direction of more protection.” Her group, the Association québécoise pour la protection et l’observation de la faune, has submitted a proposal for a conservation area to protect southern Quebec wolves that has already received signs of support from three of the regional municipalities that would be covered, she said. While it’s far from settled, she’s hopeful that the battle to protect wolves might be easier than for some other species, such as caribou, because the wolves are adaptable and can tolerate some human activity, including forestry. John Theberge, a retired professor of ecology and conservation biology from the University of Waterloo and a wolf researcher, spent several years along with his wife studying and radio-collaring eastern wolves around Algonquin Park. Back in the 1990s and 2000s, they faced a “huge political battle” to try to expand wolf protection outside park boundaries after realizing that the far-ranging animals were being hunted and trapped in large numbers once they left the protected lands. Conservationists, he said, faced resistance from powerful hunter and trapper lobbies opposed to protecting the animals but in the end succeeded in permanently closing the zones outside the park to hunting and trapping in 2004. Theberge says people who want to save wolves today still face some of that same opposition — especially when governments including Quebec, Alberta and British Columbia kill wolves to protect endangered caribou. But he believes the public support for protecting wolves has increased from when his career began in the 1960s, when they were treated with fear and suspicion. “Nobody wore T-shirts with wolves on them back then,” he said. Over the years, there have been questions about whether the eastern wolf may be a grey wolf subspecies or a coyote-wolf hybrid. But in the order protecting the wolves, the federal government says genetic analyses have resolved that debate, showing that it is a “distinct species.” Benoit, Theberge and Armstrong all believe that while it’s important to protect the eastern wolf from a genetic diversity perspective, there is value in protecting all wolves, regardless of their DNA. Wolves, they say, are an umbrella species, meaning that protecting them helps protect a variety of other species. They kill off weak and sick animals, ensuring strong populations. They’re also “highly developed, sentient social species, with a division of labour, and strong family alliances,” Theberge said. Benoit agrees. After years spent watching wolves, she has developed great respect for how they live in close-knit families, with older offspring helping raise new pups. “It’s extraordinary to see how their way of life is a little like humans’,” she said.World News | Online Debate over Foreign Workers in Tech Shows Tensions in Trump's Political CoalitionThe United States on Saturday announced a new $988 million security assistance package for Ukraine as Washington races to provide aid to Kyiv before President-elect Donald Trump takes office. Trump's November election victory has cast doubt on the future of American aid for Ukraine, providing a limited window for billions of dollars in already authorized assistance to be disbursed before he is sworn in next month. The package features drones, ammunition for precision HIMARS rocket launchers, and equipment and spare parts for artillery systems, tanks and armored vehicles, the Pentagon said in a statement. Trump met in Paris earlier Saturday with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who said any resolution of the war with Russia should be a "just" settlement that includes "strong security guarantees for Ukraine." The meeting was of huge importance to Zelensky, given fears in Kyiv that Trump may urge Ukraine to make concessions to Moscow. The latest aid will be funded via the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, under which military equipment is procured from the defense industry or partners rather than drawn from American stocks, meaning it will not immediately arrive on the battlefield. It follows a $725 million package announced on Monday that included a second tranche of landmines as well as anti-air and anti-armor weapons. The outgoing administration of President Joe Biden is working to get as much aid as possible to Ukraine before Trump -- who has repeatedly criticized US assistance for Kyiv and claimed he could secure a ceasefire within hours -- takes over. Trump's comments have triggered fears in Kyiv and Europe about the future of US aid, and Ukraine's ability to withstand Russian attacks in the absence of further American support. "Our job has been to try and put Ukraine in the strongest possible position on the battlefield so that it is in the strongest possible position at the negotiating table," National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan said Saturday. In the closing weeks of Biden's term, the goal is "a massive surge of assistance and to up the economic pressure on Russia," he said. US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin on Saturday warned that failure to continue opposing Russia's actions would have dire consequences. "We can continue to stand up to the Kremlin. Or we can let (Russian President Vladimir) Putin have his way -- and condemn our children and grandchildren to live in a world of chaos and conflict," said Austin, who like Sullivan was speaking at the Reagan National Defense Forum in California. "This administration has made its choice. And so has a bipartisan coalition in Congress. The next administration must make its own choice." The defense chief also emphasized the importance of US allies and partners in his remarks -- a contrast to Trump's go-it-alone "America first" world view. "Here is the stark military fact: our allies and partners are huge force multipliers," Austin said. "Ultimately, America is weaker when it stands alone. And America is smaller when it stands apart," he said. "There is no such thing as a safe retreat from today's interwoven world." The United States has spearheaded the push for international support for Ukraine, quickly forging a coalition to back Kyiv after Russia launched its full-scale invasion in 2022 and coordinating aid from dozens of countries. Ukraine's international supporters have since then provided tens of billions of dollars in weapons, ammunition, training and other security aid that has been key to helping Kyiv resist Russian forces. wd/mlm/acb
Broncos hope to continue playoff push when they meet the banged-up RaidersThe plan, which Russia dubbed Operation False Target, is intended to force Ukraine to expend scarce resources to save lives and preserve critical infrastructure, including by using expensive air defense munitions, according to a person familiar with Russia’s production and a Ukrainian electronics expert who hunts them from his specially outfitted van. Neither radar, sharpshooters nor even electronics experts can tell which drones are deadly in the skies. Here’s what to know from AP’s investigation: A deadly mix Unarmed decoys now make up more than half the drones targeting Ukraine and as much as 75% of the new drones coming out of the factory in Russia’s Alabuga Special Economic Zone, according to the person familiar with Russia’s production, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the industry is highly sensitive, and the Ukrainian electronics expert. The same factory produces a particularly deadly variant of the Shahed unmanned aircraft armed with thermobaric warheads, the person said. During the first weekend of November, the Kyiv region spent 20 hours under air alert, and the sound of buzzing drones mingled with the boom of air defenses and rifle shots. In October, Moscow attacked with at least 1,889 drones — 80% more than in August, according to an AP analysis tracking the drones for months. Russia launched 145 drones Nov. 16 across Ukraine, just days after the reelection of Donald Trump threw into doubt U.S. support for the country. Since summer, most drones crash, are shot down or are diverted by electronic jamming, according to an AP analysis of the Ukrainian military briefings. Fewer than 6% hit a discernible target, according to the data analyzed by AP since the end of July. But the sheer numbers mean a handful can slip through every day — and that is enough to be deadly. The drone lab Tatarstan’s Alabuga zone, an industrial complex about 600 miles east of Moscow, is a laboratory for Russian drone production. Originally set up in 2006 to attract businesses and investment to Tatarstan, it expanded after the 2022 invasion of Ukraine and some sectors switched to military production, according to satellite images analyzed by The Associated Press. In social media videos, the factory promoted itself as an innovation hub. But David Albright of the Washington-based Institute for Science and International Security said Alabuga’s current purpose is purely to produce and sell drones to Russia’s Ministry of Defense. The videos and other promotional media were taken down after an AP investigation found that many of the African women recruited to fill labor shortages there complained they were duped into taking jobs at the plant. Russia and Iran signed a $1.7 billion deal for the Shaheds in 2022 after President Vladimir Putin invaded neighboring Ukraine, and Moscow began using Iranian imports of the unmanned aerial vehicles, or UAVs, in battle later that year. Soon after the deal was signed, production started in Alabuga. The most fearsome Shahed adaptation so far designed at the plant is armed with thermobarics, also known as vacuum bombs, the person with knowledge of Russian drone production said. The plan to develop unarmed decoy drones at Alabuga was developed in late 2022, according to the person with knowledge of Russian drone production. Production of the decoys started earlier this year, said the person, who agreed to speak on condition of anonymity. Now the plant turns out about 40 of the unarmed drones a day and about 10 armed ones. The vacuum bomb From a military point of view, thermobarics are ideal for going after targets that are either inside fortified buildings or deep underground. They create a vortex of high pressure and heat that penetrates the thickest walls and, at the same time, sucks out all of the oxygen in their path. Alabuga’s thermobaric drones are particularly destructive when they strike buildings, because they are also loaded with ball bearings to cause maximum damage even beyond the superheated blast. Serhii Beskrestnov, a Ukrainian electronics expert more widely known as Flash whose black military van is kitted out with electronic jammers to down drones, said the thermobarics were first used over the summer and estimated they now make up between 3% and 5% of all drones. They have a fearsome reputation because of the physical effects even on people caught outside the initial blast site: collapsed lungs, crushed eyeballs, brain damage, according to Arthur van Coller, an expert in international humanitarian law at South Africa’s University of Fort Hare. For Russia, the benefits are huge. An unarmed drone costs considerably less than the estimated $50,000 for an armed Shahed drone and a tiny fraction of the cost of even a relatively inexpensive air defense missile. One decoy with a live-feed camera allows the aircraft to geolocate Ukraine’s air defenses and relay the information to Russia in the final moments of its mechanical life. And the swarms have become a demoralizing fact of life for Ukrainians.
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