If you’re searching for the ultimate bargain from the available cordless vacuum deals , look no further than Walmart’s offer for the PrettyCare W200. Originally sold at $400, you can get this cleaning machine for an unbelievably low price of only $65. That’s $335 in savings! We’re not sure how much time is remaining before this discount expires, so if you don’t want to miss this opportunity, you’re going to have to add this cordless vacuum to your cart and complete the checkout process immediately. Why you should buy the PrettyCare W200 cordless vacuum The PrettyCare W200 cordless vacuum offers two suction modes: it can run for about 20 minutes in the stronger power mode and for about 48 minutes in the normal power mode. It’s capable of picking up different kinds of dirt, debris, and pet hair across all floor types, and it stores all of them in its 1.3-liter dust collection cup that’s easy to empty once you’re done. The cordless vacuum is also equipped with a stainless steel filter filtration system and a six-stage HEPA filtration system, so that it will capture pollutants and fine dust and only discharge clean air back into your home. To make sure that you’re able to clean every corner of your home, the PrettyCare W200 cordless vacuum comes with attachments that you can quickly swap with one another, depending on what you need for the task at hand. The floor brush has four LED headlights so you can see in dark spaces, such as underneath furniture, while the brush head will let you sweep dust so that you can pick it up easily. You’ll also get a crevice attachment to reach tight spaces. You can also convert the PrettyCare W200 cordless vacuum into a handheld vacuum, if you’re going to clean small areas such as the inside of your car. The PrettyCare W200 cordless vacuum will help you maintain clean floors in your home at an extremely affordable price of just $65, following Walmart’s $335 discount on its sticker price of $400. Stocks may sell out very soon because of the huge savings up for grabs, so if you think this machine is perfect for your family, you better proceed with your purchase as soon as possible. However, if you want a hands-off approach to cleaning, you may want to check out our roundup of robot vacuum deals instead.
FACT FOCUS: Vermont ruling does not say schools can vaccinate children without parental consentAccording to the Kingdom’s central bank, also known as SAMA, this figure includes online shopping payments, in-app purchases and e-wallets, and excludes transactions by Visa, MasterCard and other credit cards. Mada cards are Saudi Arabia’s national payment cards, offering debit and prepaid services within the network. They use Near Field Communication for contactless payments, allowing secure transactions at retailers and online, and play a key role in supporting the country’s cashless economy. The number of e-commerce transactions also increased by 29.3 percent on a year-on-year basis to reach around 101 million in October. The prevalence of smartphones, with a 98 percent penetration rate according to the Kingdom’s Fashion Commission, highlights the digital readiness of Saudi consumers compared to advanced markets like the US, which has a 90 percent rate, and the UK with 80 percent. The Kingdom’s youthful and increasingly affluent population is embracing online shopping, spurred by rising disposable incomes and growing awareness of e-commerce benefits like convenience and cost savings. Saudi Arabia’s per capita gross domestic product is on a steady rise, with the IMF forecasting a 15.95 percent increase by 2029, reaching $38,124.66. This growing individual income is enhancing purchasing power, spurring demand for fashion, apparel, and other consumer goods. Combined with government initiatives to promote cashless transactions and local brand development, these trends are creating ripe opportunities for e-commerce players. According to a study by Mordor Intelligence the fashion and apparel sector is a major driver of the Saudi online retail sector. Saudi Arabia’s fashion e-commerce market was valued at nearly $4 billion in 2023 and is expected to reach $7 billion by 2028, according to a 2024 report by the Kingdom’s Fashion Commission. This growth is driven by increased digital exposure, evolving consumer sophistication, and strong government initiatives aimed at fostering a robust digital economy. The Kingdom’s Fashion Commission’s 100 Saudi Brands initiative exemplifies this effort, spotlighting local designers and promoting Saudi craftsmanship on a global scale. By addressing consumer pain points and integrating innovative technologies like virtual try-ons, fashion brands can further capitalize on this thriving market. With a combination of local and international collaboration, the Kingdom’s fashion e-commerce sector is poised for sustained growth in the coming years. The report highlighted that 65 percent of the population is under 40, a demographic renowned for their online shopping preferences. These groups are among the most active online shoppers globally, turning to social media platforms and brand websites for fashion inspiration and purchases. Adding to the allure of the Saudi market, the Kingdom is home to nearly 130,000 millionaires, a figure projected to rise to 226,000 by 2030. This affluent demographic, known for their financial confidence and affinity for luxury, is poised to increase local spending as high-end international brands expand their Saudi presence. Notably, these high-income consumers spend significantly more than their global counterparts, with 30 percent planning to boost their expenditures, reflecting a strong appetite for premium clothing and accessories, according to the Fashion Commission. Social media platforms, particularly Instagram and Snapchat, have emerged as critical sources of inspiration for shoppers in the Kingdom. The Saudi Fashion Commission noted that 50 percent to 60 percent of women use these platforms to discover new trends, while men often rely on YouTube for fashion insights. This underscores the importance of influencer marketing and targeted digital campaigns in driving brand awareness and engagement within the Kingdom. According to Mordor Intelligence, Saudi Arabia has invested over $24.8 billion into its digital ecosystem over the past six years, significantly enhancing internet quality and coverage. As a regional leader, it was among the first in MENA to deploy 5G networks, with 77 percent nationwide coverage – well above global averages – and 94 percent coverage in Riyadh, cementing its position as a global frontrunner in connectivity. Global companies are seizing opportunities in Saudi Arabia’s expanding e-commerce market. In October, Mastercard introduced local processing for e-commerce transactions, bolstering secure and efficient payment options. Similarly, TBS Holding announced plans to use artificial intelligence technologies to support digital transformation efforts in Saudi Arabia, reflecting the Kingdom’s broader ambitions for a thriving digital shopping ecosystem. According to online platform Setup in Saudi, the Kingdom’s e-commerce market is led by six major players, including Noon, backed by the Public Investment Fund, Amazon, which entered via Souq.com, and Jarir Bookstores, a local retail giant with a strong online presence. Other key companies include Namshi, which caters to regional fashion, while Extra Stores focuses on electronics and home appliances. AliExpress has a shrinking share as local platforms expand. These leaders exemplify the sector’s rapid growth and evolving consumer trends. The Fashion Commission highlighted the seamless integration of digital and physical retail as the rise of e-commerce does not signify the decline of brickand-mortar stores. Instead, the Saudi market is embracing an omnichannel approach, where online and offline experiences converge. Approximately 75 percent of fashion-buying behavior in Saudi Arabia is influenced by digital channels. This includes 38 percent who research online with purchases made offline and 25 percent doing pure online transactions Challenges like uncertainty about sizing and fit remain key barriers to greater e-commerce adoption, with 40 percent of consumers citing this as a primary concern. Key challenges for this sector as highlighted by the Fashion Commission include delivery lead times, return processes, and lastmile logistics. While 30 percent of Saudi consumers expect delivery within two to three days, this demand can only be met through local fulfillment centers. Historically, products were shipped from the UAE or Europe, causing delays and higher costs. To address this, initiatives like Riyadh’s Special Integrated Logistics Zone support localized operations, helping reduce delivery times. Companies like Chalhoub, Apple, and Amazon have already set up fulfillment centers, enhancing distribution efficiency. For example, Farfetch has notably improved its delivery times. On payments, the government introduced e-payment regulations in 2018 to increase consumer trust and aims to shift 70 percent of transactions to digital methods. Solutions like BNPL providers Tabby and Tamara, alongside mobile wallets like Apple Pay, are accelerating this transition. The market remains fragmented, with the top three e-commerce platforms Shein, Namshi, and Centrepoint holding a combined 22 percent market share. Luxury fashion remains underrepresented, presenting opportunities for growth as brands like Farfetch and local players like Level Shoes expand their presence.
Herro leads Heat over Rockets in game marred by fight and ejections in final minuteSAUUZHU, China — Dominant in the electric car sector, Chinese companies have been quietly consolidating their position in the lesser-watched trucking scene — but foreign tariffs and a perceived quality gap could signal roadblocks ahead, experts warn. The domestic supply chain and low-price strategy that helped make China's EV car industry world-leading are being leveraged by established automakers and startups alike, aiming to similarly transform trucking. Register to read this story and more for free . Signing up for an account helps us improve your browsing experience. OR See our subscription options.High school recruiting isn't the only way to build a winner in the transfer portal eraRamifications of an industry shutdown
Meaningful internet access goes beyond having easy and everyday access to broadband internet and digital devices. Equally important is whether Canadians can use their digital access for their benefit. That depends on their ability to acquire and apply the skills necessary to navigate the online world. Many adults across the country face daily challenges with accessing and finding what they need online, reflecting a three-tiered digital divide . This divide describes differences in how people get connected, how they regularly use online resources and obtain what they need. Regular and consistent access to devices and internet connections can certainly foster digital skills. But this knowledge is incomplete and unequally distributed without formal learning and opportunities for practice in supported and safe digital spaces. Differing portraits of digital access Government and telecommunication companies have focussed on the broadband infrastructure divide, arguing that when the whole country is connected people will figure out how to navigate online by themselves. But research shows this isn’t the case . The differences between living with seamless and digital access can be illustrated through storytelling grounded in research . With a colleague, I developed composite (fictional) profiles of two adults, Eva and Sandra, based on a review of research related to digital access, statistical analysis of data from the Canadian Internet Use Survey , and interviews we conducted with teachers and adult learners. Hardware, printer, financial, IT inequities Eva has seamless internet access and easily engages with daily tasks in digital spaces at home, in transit and at her place of employment, using hardware and software supplied and managed by an IT department. She responds to emails on the bus, using her unlimited, employer-paid 5G data talk-and-text plan, and renews her licence plate online. At work, she prints, signs, scans and returns a form. By contrast, Sandra spends a big chunk of her day navigating digital hurdles to accomplish what might be considered quick and easy tasks. They include bus trips to the local library for internet access and a local supply store to print and scan a form. To save time and her phone’s data plan — which she pays for out of her tight household budget — Sandra must stay at the library to accomplish other tasks requiring technology. She checks her college application and searches for a solution to her back pain. A lack of privacy, a noisy environment, extra costs and a lack of assistance are just a few of the barriers she must contend with. It’s not all about broadband As a PhD student, I have researched inequities in digital access since before the pandemic when it was not a mainstream topic. During the pandemic, many of us experienced difficulties when in-person services were no longer available . If we had reliable ways to reach the “outside” world by going online , we saw how crucial this was. But even when people have access to devices and internet connections, this knowledge is incomplete and unequally distributed without formal learning and opportunities for practice in supported and safe digital spaces. Many adults go to adult education programs to learn and practice their digital skills — whether in adult literacy or settlement language training programs serving immigrants. These programs help adults develop functional literacy and language skills that help them to get further education, apprenticeship training, certification and employment. As I saw myself over a fifteen-year period working in this field prior to my doctoral research, these programs are well positioned to offer digital learning opportunities as part of adult upgrading, vocational, language and literacy skills curriculums. Programs can be tailored to meet specific community literacy needs — for example, for Indigenous or Deaf learners , and can be offered in both official languages. Digital learning skills, places to use them Digital technologies have been an integral part of many adult education programs for years . Guided and facilitated by instructors, students are expected to: participate using digital devices, to use an email address to communicate, to complete online forms, and to work collaboratively online. Some adult education programs have hired people to work as digital navigators who help adult learners or their teachers with learning or teaching online access. Yet many adult education programs must currently reapply for operational financing each year . Sustained federal funding needed Recently, I co-authored a paper published by the Institute of Research on Public Policy with Christine Pinsent-Johnson, a policy and research specialist. We argue that to meaningfully address digital divides, Employment and Social Development Canada should work with provincial and territorial governments to provide sustained, core funding to provincial and territorial adult education programs. (A French version of this paper is also available , which I discussed recently on Radio Canada ). These key adult education programs help Canadians acquire needed digital literacy skills for further education, apprenticeship training, certification and employment. Regular funding would stabilize operations, facilitate long-term planning and reduce administrative costs. It would do that particularly by ensuring predictable support for equipment purchases, IT infrastructure and software licensing. National platform to share best practices Additionally, we advocate for the creation of a national platform for educators to share learning materials and best practices. A similar platform for the federally funded settlement language programs could serve as a model. Beyond this platform, we call for a cross-sectoral network to co-ordinate programs aimed at enhancing digital skills and access for underserved communities. Such initiatives can connect provincial organizations with similar missions, leverage existing partnerships and forge new collaborations. They can serve as vital hubs for integrating informal and formal digital skills learning. One example is a not-for-profit organization like AlphaPlus , where I worked as a technology coach and researcher some years ago. This organization supports adult literacy programs in Ontario with professional development, and guides good practices for building digital technology capacity to support adult learners, for example, around AI . With regular funding and a mandate to co-ordinate efforts in digital skills development, such organizations could take on a much larger role supporting adult education programs. A more consistent and sustained approach is needed to support and connect similar efforts across the country to ensure equitable access to digital resources and learning opportunities across diverse Canadian communities. Such an approach will help citizens acquire the digital literacy skills and experience they need to participate meaningfully and effectively in Canadian society and the labour market.(Note to subs: amends byline error) The world stands at the dawn of a “third nuclear age” in which Britain is threatened by multiple dilemmas, the head of the armed forces has warned. But alongside his stark warning of the threats facing Britain and its allies, Admiral Sir Tony Radakin said there would be only a “remote chance” Russia would directly attack or invade the UK if the two countries were at war. The Chief of the Defence Staff laid out the landscape of British defence in a wide-ranging speech, after a minister warned the Army would be wiped out in as little as six months if forced to fight a war on the scale of the Ukraine conflict. The admiral cast doubt on the possibility as he gave a speech at the Royal United Services Institute (Rusi) defence think tank in London. He told the audience Britain needed to be “clear-eyed in our assessment” of the threats it faces, adding: “That includes recognising that there is only a remote chance of a significant direct attack or invasion by Russia on the United Kingdom, and that’s the same for the whole of Nato.” Moscow “knows the response will be overwhelming”, he added, but warned the nuclear deterrent needed to be “kept strong and strengthened”. Sir Tony added: “We are at the dawn of a third nuclear age, which is altogether more complex. It is defined by multiple and concurrent dilemmas, proliferating nuclear and disruptive technologies and the almost total absence of the security architectures that went before.” The first nuclear age was the Cold War, while the second was “governed by disarmament efforts and counter proliferation”, the armed forces chief said. He listed the “wild threats of tactical nuclear use” by Russia, China building up its weapon stocks, Iran’s failure to co-operate with a nuclear deal, and North Korea’s “erratic behaviour” among the threats faced by the West. But Sir Tony said the UK’s nuclear arsenal is “the one part of our inventory of which Russia is most aware and has more impact on (President Vladimir) Putin than anything else”. Successive British governments had invested “substantial sums of money” in renewing nuclear submarines and warheads because of this, he added. The admiral described the deployment of thousands of North Korean soldiers on Ukraine’s border alongside Russian forces as the year’s “most extraordinary development”. He also signalled further deployments were possible, speaking of “tens of thousands more to follow as part of a new security pact with Russia”. Defence minister Alistair Carns earlier said a rate of casualties similar to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine would lead to the army being “expended” within six to 12 months. He said it illustrated the need to “generate depth and mass rapidly in the event of a crisis”. In comments reported by Sky News, Mr Carns, a former Royal Marines colonel, said Russia was suffering losses of around 1,500 soldiers killed or injured a day. “In a war of scale – not a limited intervention, but one similar to Ukraine – our Army for example, on the current casualty rates, would be expended – as part of a broader multinational coalition – in six months to a year,” Mr Carns said in a speech at Rusi. He added: “That doesn’t mean we need a bigger Army, but it does mean you need to generate depth and mass rapidly in the event of a crisis.” Official figures show the Army had 109,245 personnel on October 1, including 25,814 volunteer reservists. Mr Carns, the minister for veterans and people, said the UK needed to “catch up with Nato allies” to place greater emphasis on the reserves. The Prime Minister’s official spokesman said Defence Secretary John Healey had previously spoken about “the state of the armed forces that were inherited from the previous government”. The spokesman said: “It’s why the Budget invested billions of pounds into defence, it’s why we’re undertaking a strategic defence review to ensure that we have the capabilities and the investment needed to defend this country.”
Canada 'Freedom Convoy' leader found guilty over trucker protest role
Risk adjusted net present value: What is the current valuation of Otsuka’s Zipalertinib?Herro leads Heat over Rockets in game marred by fight and ejections in final minuteGreenPower Motor Company Inc. ( OTCMKTS:GPVRF – Get Free Report )’s share price rose 7.1% during trading on Friday . The company traded as high as $0.80 and last traded at $0.80. Approximately 160,164 shares changed hands during mid-day trading, a decline of 60% from the average daily volume of 401,459 shares. The stock had previously closed at $0.74. GreenPower Motor Trading Down 4.7 % The company has a 50-day moving average price of $0.98 and a two-hundred day moving average price of $1.08. GreenPower Motor Company Profile ( Get Free Report ) GreenPower Motor Co, Inc engages in the design, manufacture, and distribution of electric powered vehicles for commercial markets. It offers electric-powered school buses, vans, charter buses, and double-deckers. The company was founded by Fraser Atkinson and Phillip W. Oldridge on March 30, 2010 and is headquartered in Vancouver, Canada. Recommended Stories Receive News & Ratings for GreenPower Motor Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for GreenPower Motor and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .
Donald Trump DEA pick Chad Chronister withdraws from consideration, citing 'gravity' of job
PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.RFK Jr. was on the losing side of California vaccine fights. Now, Trump wants him in his cabinet