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Here's How Much You Would Have Made Owning Insight Enterprises Stock In The Last 20 YearsParents are faced with countless decisions impacting their children’s well-being, many of which aren’t black and white. As technology evolves with each new “must-have” gadget, the choices we make become tougher. In a world where perfection is impossible, how do we decide what’s best for our kids? Electric bicycles are on many wish lists this season. It is important for parents to do their homework before making a purchase. First, talk to a reputable bike shop before buying an e-bike. Many of our local bike shops will not work on e-bikes that they don’t sell. Like cars, brake maintenance of e-bikes is crucial. Not all e-bikes are the same, and not all “e-bikes” are legal. It is important to ask questions. E-bikes are defined within the California Vehicle Code under three distinct classes. All e-bike motors are limited to 750 watts and must have fully operable pedals; any e-wheel that has a higher wattage is not an e-bike. Speed is also a part of the class definitions. Class 1 e-bikes provide pedal-assisted power up to 20 mph. Class 2 e-bikes have a throttle that goes up to 20 mph. Class 3 e-bikes provide pedal-assisted power up to 28 mph. E-bikes are a great way for kids to get to school, activities and recreation. E-bikes are vehicles, not toys. The pedal-assisted motor of a class 1 e-bike can help a rider climb hills and cycle longer distances. Riding any kind of bike takes skill and understanding the rules of the road. Mastery of riding a conventional bicycle is necessary before riding a class 1 e-bike. Following the rules of the road and being predictable and visible when riding are key. The Marin County Health and Human Services Department is tracking data related to e-bike 911 calls. Ambulances respond to e-bike incidents involving 10- to19-year-old people at five times the rate of any other age group. In November 2023, the department sent an advisory to the public and pediatricians regarding e-bikes and the rate of serious injuries among youth. This advisory reflected the influx of e-bike-related injuries that were being seen in Marin clinics and emergency rooms. Operating any vehicle, including an e-bike, comes with risks. Parents should not allow their kids to ride an e-bike without evaluating the risks and assessing their child’s skills on a bike. The Marin County Special Committee on Youth E-bike Safety began convening in September 2024. It has an education-first approach. The committee’s aim is effective education, outreach, consistent local policies and enforcement across Marin. The county and the Transportation Authority of Marin are jointly funding a countywide public education campaign with students and parents as the two distinct audiences. The committee will work toward a model ordinance to implement Assemblymember Connolly’s Assembly Bill 1778. The bill enables Marin County jurisdictions to pilot restricting class 2 e-bikes to riders aged 16 and older. Class 3 e-bikes are already restricted to riders 16 and older. Throttle-powered e-wheels capable of providing power beyond 20 mph and without fully operable pedals, which may be advertised as e-bikes, are not e-bikes and are illegal for youth. Throttles add a dimension similar to a motorcycle, with potential for injuries similar to motorcycle injuries. If buying an e-bike, buy at an in-person reputable bike shop to ensure your e-bike will get the maintenance it needs. E-bikes require more brake maintenance than conventional bikes. A class 1 pedal-assist e-bike is the best choice for youth. We want to see more kids and adults on bikes. Getting out of our cars and onto bikes is good for our physical and mental health and enjoyment. We want parents to understand what is legal versus what is illegal, and what is age and skill appropriate for their child. Marin Safe Routes to Schools’ e-bike education page on that group’s website is a great place to start when considering a purchase. Do your homework before you buy. Marin County Supervisor Mary Sackett represents District 1. Dr. Nelson Branco is a primary care pediatrician at Tamalpais Pediatrics in Marin County.
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In the final days before Romania’s parliamentary elections this weekend, the governing parties’ leaders both quit, pollsters gave up on projecting the results and the nation’s top court cast serious doubt on the integrity of the voting process. And the stakes couldn’t be higher. Sunday’s parliamentary contest pits the pro-European establishment against far-right insurgents and will help to determine whether a critical NATO member and Ukrainian ally lurches closer to Moscow. It takes place in an atmosphere of scarcely believable chaos and confusion. Romania is in the middle of three consecutive weekend ballots for both a new parliament and a new president. Events spun off the rails in the first round of the presidential election on Nov. 24, when a Russia sympathizer with barely any public profile emerged as the shock winner. Calin Georgescu reported zero spending on a campaign that was mainly driven by social media videos on TikTok recorded from his living room. His victory sparked fears that Romania’s democratic process had been hacked by the Kremlin. In the country’s biggest political crisis since the communist regime collapsed over three decades ago, the constitutional court has ordered a recount of the presidential ballots, but it won’t have the fresh results until Sunday night and there is mounting speculation that it may order a rerun. As voters prepare to return to the polls on Sunday, there are major questions hanging over the process that they simply do not have answers to. The prospect of a far-right surge has sent hundreds to take the streets in freezing temperatures. In Bucharest, demonstrators chanted “We want freedom, not fascism.” For all the concerns about Russian interference, there’s also deep frustration, especially outside the major cities, with the mainstream candidates who were ejected in the first presidential ballot. Romania’s two most established parties, the Social Democrats and the Liberals, have governed in coalition for the past three years and the country has suffered rising inequality and rampant inflation. The vote puts 19 million Romanians at the heart of the struggle between the democratic institutions of the European Union and Russia’s expansionary ambitions. To the north, Romania borders Ukraine, where the Russian army has been fighting for almost three years to restore what President Vladimir Putin says is his country’s historic territorial rights. To the east is Moldova, where a pro-Western president survived another election earlier this month amid widespread reports of Kremlin interference. Putin’s ally Viktor Orban governs Hungary to the west. Romania, too, an EU member, could soon have a pro-Russian president and a far-right government, if the next two weeks of voting break in their favor. Many Romanians only began to learn after the vote about 62-year-old Georgescu, the agricultural engineer who languished in the single digits in polls just weeks before the election. A one-time ally of ultranationalist Alliance for the Unity of Romanians, Georgescu has denounced military support for Ukraine, called for a quick end to the war and cast doubt on the benefits of the country’s NATO membership. “I do not want to leave NATO, I do not want to leave the European Union,” he said on Tuesday, pushing back against his characterization by the local media. “I am a Romanian — I have no connection with Russia, I’m not a legionnaire, I’m not an antisemite.” Some of the comments collide with previous statements, in which he laid blame for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine with NATO — and raised the prospect of leaving the military alliance if it didn’t guarantee peace. In 2020, Georgescu praised Putin as one of the worlds few true leaders. The alarm deepened after Georgescu said he had no campaign funding — and that supporter financing had been donated. The claim raised hackles from critics who pointed out that the candidate’s high-resolution videos, including some with sweeping landscape shots — featuring him on horseback, performing judo moves, dipping into a mountain lake — could only have been produced by professionals. An investigation by local news website G4media suggested the effort was artificially amplified by foreign interference. Georgescu’s profile was heavily promoted by a volunteers who were prompted to spread posts in exchange for “undisclosed rewards,” the website reported. A similar scheme took place during the vote in Moldova. Romania’s Supreme Defense Council, which includes top government and intelligence officials, issued a statement Thursday saying that one candidate — it didn’t name Georgescu — benefited from “massive exposure and preferential treatment.” The panel cited Russian influence operations that aimed to shift public opinion in Romania — and accused TikTok of failing to label the candidate’s videos as election material as required by Romanian law. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov, who has frequently misled the media over previous disinformation campaigns, said Friday that allegations of Russian interference in Romanian elections are unfounded and unsupported, according to the Interfax news agency. TikTok said it was “categorically false” to claim that it treated Georgescu’s account differently from other candidates. Adding to the sense of a country spinning out of control, Social Democrat Prime Minister Marcel Ciolacu resigned his party’s leadership while his coalition partners, the Liberals, ousted their leader. After pollsters completely missed Georgescu’s victory last week, they’ve opted not to release any further surveys, so voters, candidates and officials are all essentially flying blind ahead of Sunday’s vote. Before the voluntary polling blackout, the ultranationalists tied to another candidate George Simion, had been making steady gains and were running second place behind the Social Democrats. Now though, no one is really sure where they stand. “The situation is very fluid,” said Remus Stefureac, the director of research firm INSCOP. He predicted that Romania’s pro-European would still get between 50% and 60%, enabling them to form a government, but without much conviction. “In a background of increased social tensions, a sovereign movement can get a temporary boost,” he said. ——— (With assistance from Slav Okov and Demetrios Pogkas.) ©2024 Bloomberg L.P. Visit bloomberg.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.JEDDAH, Saudi Arabia (AP) — “My Driver and I” was supposed to be made in 2016, but was scuttled amid Saudi Arabia's decades-long cinema ban. Eight years later, the landscape for film in the kingdom looks much different — and the star of “My Driver and I” now has an award. Roula Dakheelallah was named the winner of the Chopard Emerging Saudi Talent award at the Red Sea International Film Festival on Thursday. The award — and the glitzy festival itself — is a sign of Saudi Arabia's commitment to shaping a new film industry. “My heart is attached to cinema and art; I have always dreamed of a moment like this,” Dakheelallah, who still works a 9-5 job, told The Associated Press before the awards ceremony. “I used to work in voluntary films and help my friends in the field, but this is my first big role in a film.” The reopening of cinemas in 2018 marked a cultural turning point for Saudi Arabia, an absolute monarchy that had instituted the ban 35 years before, under the influence of ultraconservative religious authorities. It has since invested heavily in a native film industry by building theaters and launching programs to support local filmmakers through grants and training. The Red Sea International Film Festival was launched just a year later, part of an attempt to expand Saudi influence into films, gaming, sports and other cultural fields. Activists have decried the investments as whitewashing the kingdom’s human rights record as it tightly controls speech and remains one of the world’s top executioners. With FIFA awarding the 2034 World Cup to Saudi Arabia this week, Lina al-Hathloul, a Saudi activist with the London-based rights group ALQST, said Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman “has really managed to create this bubble where people only see entertainment and they don’t see the reality on the ground.” These efforts are part of Vision 2030, an ambitious reform plan unveiled in 2016 to ease the economy's dependence on oil. As part of it, Saudi Arabia plans to construct 350 cinemas with over 2,500 movie screens — by this past April, across 22 cities, it already had 66 cinemas showing movies from the local film industry, as well as Hollywood and Bollywood. (The Red Sea International Film Festival attracts a host of talent from the latter industries, with Viola Davis and Priyanka Chopra Jonas also picking up awards Thursday.) The country's General Entertainment Authority last month opened Al Hisn Studios on the outskirts of Riyadh. As one of the largest such production hubs in the Middle East, it not only includes several film studios but also a production village with workshops for carpentry, blacksmithing and fashion tailoring. “These facilities, when they exist, will stimulate filmmakers,” said Saudi actor Mohammed Elshehri. “Today, no writer or director has an excuse to imagine and say, ‘I cannot implement my imagination.’” The facilities are one part of the equation — the content itself is another. One of the major players in transforming Saudi filmmaking has been Telfaz11, a media company founded in 2011 that began as a YouTube channel and quickly became a trailblazer. Producing high-quality digital content such as short films, comedy sketches and series, Telfaz11 offered fresh perspectives on Saudi and regional issues. In 2020, Telfaz11 signed a partnership with Netflix to produce original content for the streaming giant. The result has been movies that demonstrate an evolution on the storytelling level, tackling topics that were once off-limits and sensitive to the public like secret nightlife in “Mandoob” (“Night Courier”) and changing social norms in “Naga.” “I think we tell our stories in a very simple way, and that’s what reaches the world,” Elshehri says of the changing shift. “When you tell your story in a natural way without any affectation, it will reach every person.” But the films were not without their critics, drawing mixed reaction. Social media discoursed ranged from pleasure that Saudi film were tackling such topics to anger over how the films reflected conservative society. As Hana Al-Omair, a Saudi writer and director, points out, there are still many stories left untold. “We certainly have a long time ahead of us before we can tell the Saudi narrative as it should be,” she said, acknowledging that there are still barriers and rampant censorship. “The Goat Life,” a Malayalam-language movie about an Indian man forced to work without pay in Saudi Arabia, is not available on Netflix's platform in the country. Movies that explore political topics or LGBTQ+ stories are essentially out of the question. Even “My Driver and I,” featured at the Red Sea festival alongside 11 other Saudi feature-length films, was initially too controversial. It centers on a Sudanese man in Jeddah, living away from his own daughter, who feels responsible for the girl he drives as her parents are absent. It was initially blocked from being made because of the relationship between the girl and the driver, filmmaker Ahd Kamel has said, even though it's not a romantic relationship. Now in 2024, the film is a success story — a symbol of the Saudi film industry's evolution as well as the growing role of women like Kamel behind the camera and Dakheelallah in front of it. “I see the change in Saudi cinema, a very beautiful change and it is moving at a wonderful speed. In my opinion, we do not need to rush,” Dakheelallah said. “We need to guide the truth of the artistic movement that is happening in Saudi Arabia.” Baraa Anwer, The Associated Press
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Saudi Arabia banned film for 35 years. The Red Sea festival is just one sign of the industry's riseBello's 19 lead Purdue Fort Wayne over Eastern Michigan 99-76
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NoneWalker shot 7 for 12, including 6 for 10 from beyond the arc for the Jaguars (4-5). Paul Zilinskas shot 5 for 9, including 4 for 7 from beyond the arc to add 15 points. DeSean Goode had 14 points and shot 4 of 5 from the field and 5 for 5 from the line. The Trolls were led in scoring by Tylan Harris, who finished with 11 points. Kaden Eirhart added nine points for Trinity Christian. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .