Since new social media laws passed the Australia parliament, my colleagues at Relationships Australia NSW and I have been inundated with questions from parents. The new legislation, which won’t take effect until the end of next year, bans teens aged under 16 from most social media platforms. As we wait to hear more specifics (like what platforms might be allowed), families are navigating new terrain and working out what to do next. I’ve heard mixed responses from parents – some are wholeheartedly embracing the restrictions, while others aren’t convinced and are dealing with children who feel outraged and upset. Regardless of your position on the issue, change is coming, and families must work together to find a path forward. How to talk with your children about the changes Rather than waiting for the ban to start, I encourage you to have open conversations with your children now while the issue is already under social discussion. Putting off discussions or only partially engaging can actually fuel conflict, breed resentment and create further resistance against these rules. When you chat with your kids, you could hold a ‘family meeting’ or bring it up over dinner. Lead with curiosity and ask them open-ended questions that seek their thoughts. If you have already been quite vocal about your position on the ban, then it’s a good idea to acknowledge this in your conversation – “I know I have said this... but now the legislation has passed, I really want to talk with you about how it might affect you”. My child hasn’t reacted well to the news – what do I do? While the ban aims to protect children’s mental and social wellbeing, many kids and have highlighted the role social media plays in finding connection and community online. If your child is upset and struggling, keep a close eye on this and keep the conversations flowing. They might be struggling with a key social pathway being taken away and are floundering about how to replace it. They might also be grappling with friends’ parents who are planning to ignore the ban and feeling resentful of being left out. Rather than minimising their feelings, openly talk about it – “What are you finding tough? What’s the worst thing about this for you?” If your young person depends on social media as a resource to manage a social or mental health problem, finding some realistic and meaningful alternatives is going to be critical. Starting the transition now rather than waiting for the deadline is in everyone’s best interests. For instance, if they use social media to share stories with friends or family members, could you find safe, supervised alternatives for this such as Signal? Is online contact already second best to more direct contact with cousins or friends, for example? If so, can they more directly catch up? Are there in-person resources available through your local or clubs that could be of use? Embracing the changes as a family The legislation might call out under 16-year-olds, but you can approach this as a team effort. Instead of only focusing on getting your kids off devices, start thinking about your family culture and what role technology plays at home. Are devices always in use by everyone? Do you or other family members find themselves distracted by their phones? Rather than simply restricting kids and teens, consider how you can support this change and have the whole family try new things. Managing children with varying rules If you have kids of different ages, there’s a good chance they might have also have new rules applying to them. Let’s say you have a 17- and 14-year-old, and both of them have been on social media for a couple of years. If you support the ban, the 17-year-old could continue on, having had access to social media unencumbered throughout their teens. On the other hand, your 14-year-old will be taken off and might be a bit ticked that their sibling managed to dodge the ban by a couple of years! For a lot of siblings, there is already a competitive dynamic between them and these changes might enflame it. Have a chat with your older children about how you’d appreciate them handling it – not being deliberately provocative, not lording it over the younger ones, or not undermining rules you have set. I know a lot of parents – and children – are feeling daunted by the changes and feel uncertain about how it will actually play out. If it’s any consolation, everyone in this situation is new to this. What I can confidently say is that having open and curious conversations with your children will deepen your relationship, help you understand what they’re scared or nervous for, and form the foundations for these transparent and thoughtful discussions into the future.
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Celebrating 50 years of Pat at LoughryTrump's deportations could shake up the restaurant industry, but Wall Street isn't worriedVICTORIA — British Columbia Premier David Eby says 25-per-cent U.S. tariffs on Canadian goods would be “devastating” for the province’s lumber and forestry industries. He made the comment ahead of a meeting with fellow first ministers and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. Eby was scheduled to participate in the virtual meeting on Wednesday to discuss U.S. president-elect Donald Trump’s threat to impose the tariffs unless Canada and Mexico stop illegal border crossings and prevent illicit drugs from entering the United States. Eby said the lumber and forestry sectors are already strained by a recent increase in duties amid the ongoing U.S.-Canada dispute over softwood lumber. He said after the first meeting of his new cabinet in Victoria that the tariffs are “unjustified,” and they would hurt Americans as much as they would Canadians. The premier said B.C. is a source of natural gas, wood products, minerals and other products that U.S. businesses depend on, and the tariff would hinder jobs and opportunities in the province while making “life more expensive for Americans.” Eby and Ottawa have called for a united front dealing with Trump’s tariff plan, which he announced on social media on Monday. Eby said B.C. officials had repeatedly raised concerns with Ottawa over organized crime and illicit drugs, such as fentanyl, in relation to border security. “It’s a priority for us. It has been for a while, we’ve written to Ottawa about it. Doesn’t justify the tariffs, but it does mean that we can talk about those issues as well.” Eby said Trump’s proposed tariff “doesn’t make economic sense,” and the measure is not necessary to address issues at the border. The premier said he believes B.C. has a strong case to make for the tariff being “badly placed” if Trump’s priority is to reduce costs for Americans. “I think the premiers are unified,” Eby said. “There are 13 of us plus the prime minister. It’s a big group of people with different political perspectives, but on this issue of ensuring that we’re protecting the people in our country from these unjustified tariffs, I believe we’re completely in line on that question.” This report by The Canadian Press was first published Nov. 27, 2024. The Canadian Press
For a radio station that doesn't care about ratings, 2MBS Fine Music Sydney has found an audience of loyal listeners all over the world. Veteran Drive program presenter Michael Morton-Evans even has one dedicated fan on the Isle of Wight in the UK, who sits by her fireplace to listen to his show. 2MBS was Australia's very first station on the FM radio band, hitting the airwaves at noon on December 15, 1974, beating Melbourne's 3MBS and Brisbane's 4ZZZ by a matter of months. The station in Sydney's St Leonards is celebrating 50 years of filling the airwaves with music - classical for the most part, but also jazz, blues and other genres. Morton-Evans has penned a history of 2MBS to mark the milestone, and believes it's the only volunteer-run station in the world to have lasted half a century. "It means everything to real lovers of classical music, we all love doing it, they all love listening to it," he told AAP. Ahead of a recent program, he's in the studio lining up traffic alerts and weather reports and just the right music to keep Sydney motorists calm during peak hour, starting with Russian composer Anton Arensky and Frenchman Georges Bizet. On a good day, the FM radio signal travels all the way to Newcastle and Wollongong, and Berrima in the southern highlands, while listeners further afield can tune in via the station's online stream and listening app. Three times a day the flow of classical music is interrupted by jazz programs, for those who happen to like that sort of thing, said Morton-Evans. "There's a sort of feeling around here among the jazz people that I don't like jazz, but it's not true - I do like jazz," he said. "Our jazz presenters are fantastic, they are so knowledgeable, they're almost worth listening to." One of those presenters, Jeannie McInnes, airs her popular program Jazz Rhythm with a different topic each week, ranging from Jackson Pollock's jazz playlist, to the sound of the colour green. "If you just want to hear the music, put on Spotify - if you want to learn something about the music, listen to the radio," she told AAP. Presenters such as Planet Jazz host Xavier Bichon revel in music of all kinds: a recent weekend saw him at a classical performance in the afternoon, and a Pearl Jam concert a few hours later. 2MBS does not rely on government grants and is entirely funded by its loyal listeners, some of whom have been very generous indeed. In 2010 one donor, Stefan Kruger, left the station $3 million in his will, enabling 2MBS to build a recording studio complete with grand piano, broadcast studios and a massive music library. Though most of the library is stored digitally these days, old technology is still kept on stand by including turntables, a reel to reel tape player, and a cassette deck. Before there was any of this equipment - or even a station to broadcast from - David James was the very first manager of 2MBS, helping it win a broadcast licence. Half a century later he still volunteers at the station, probably because he likes punishment, he jokes. "Radio is in my blood ... I just don't want to look at any other voluntary job anywhere." It's the people as much as the music, helped by the station's monthly wine and pizza nights, he said. There's also tea, coffee and biscuits on hand to fuel the station's 200 volunteers, such as former presenter Di Cox, 84. Cox has been volunteering at the station for 45 years and is still a regular visitor, selecting music for an upcoming program From Handel to Haydn. "Obviously I love it, because I've always said I'll never leave," she said. 2MBS is marking its milestone with a special retrospective program on Sunday at midday - exactly 50 years to the hour since its very first broadcast. It will also host a station open day on February 1, to commemorate its very first such event 50 years ago.
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New WA AG opened applications for five senior roles paying over $130K. Here's how to applyKYIV (AP) – At football games in Ukraine, crowd sizes are determined by the capacity of the nearest bomb shelter. For the first time since the war began in 2022, the Ukrainian Premier League is holding a full season with fans present, as martial-law bans on public gatherings have been eased. Despite the constant threat of airstrikes, Dynamo Kyiv supporters eagerly snap up the 1,700 tickets available for each home game at the 16,000-seat Valeriy Lobanovskyi Stadium. Many fans are keen to experience a rare moment of calm, free from the country’s traditionally intense sporting rivalries. While the war forced Dynamo to relocate its home matches in the Europa League to Hamburg, Germany, it uses its home stadium in Kyiv for domestic league matches. Vitalii Kozubra brought his nine-year-old son Makar to watch Dynamo, a title contender, face mid-table Zorya Luhansk. “Even though there’s a war going on, this is something people can enjoy together,” Kozubra said, noting the friendly atmosphere at the stadium, where Zorya fans mingled with locals. Makar marveled at the difference between watching a game in person and on television. As the players took the field, all 22 of them draped in Ukrainian yellow-and-blue flags, the crowd, which included servicemen and families with children, erupted in applause. The stadium was alive with the sound of players’ exertion and the thud of the ball. Children rushed to the touchline for autographs, drawn by the few foreign players from Brazil, Senegal, Ivory Coast and Panama who have chosen to remain despite the war. Zorya wasn’t booed once. Football players of Dynamo Kyiv and Zorya Luhansk great each other before a game. PHOTO: AP Vitalii Buyalskiy of Dynamo Kyiv and Oleksiy Khakhliyov of Zorya Luhansk compete for the ball. PHOTO: AP Ukrainian servicemen play football. PHOTO: AP Young fans ask for autographs after a match. PHOTO: AP SIRENS AND SHELTERS Ukraine’s 16-team top-flight league has managed to continue, despite increasing challenges. Matches are scheduled for early afternoon due to frequent power outages and the logistical challenges of travelling across Europe’s second-largest country during war. When air raid sirens interrupt play – sometimes for hours – players and fans alike head to shelters as alarms blare from loudspeakers and thousands of mobile phones. “This season, we’ve been lucky in Kyiv, with no air alarms during our home games,” said Dynamo club spokesman Andrii Shakhov. “But it’s a different story for away games... The longest one we had lasted four hours because of four air alarms.” Ukrainian football players are subject to the draft at age 25 but clubs can apply for exemptions under business protection rules. Two teams currently play permanently outside their home field due to the war, amid broader disruption, while two others withdrew after fighting started due to stadium damage. The country’s football tradition dates back to its Soviet past, when it was a football powerhouse, producing top-tier players and coaches. In the 1980s, fan movements often became expressions of Ukrainian identity. After 1991, football continued to be a source of national pride through years of political and financial turmoil. Ukraine reached the quarterfinals of the 2006 World Cup and co-hosted the 2012 European Championships. At home, supporters’ groups have set aside violent rivalries for more than a decade, ever since they united to back protesters during the deadly 2013-14 uprisings. “Dexter,” a red-bearded Dynamo supporter and civilian contractor for the military, explained why the truce among rival fan groups still holds. “It became necessary because we needed to unite against a common enemy. These internal conflicts lost their relevance when people from rival fan groups ended up fighting together in the same military units,” he said, while walking his dog along the banks of the Dnipro River. RIVALRIES SET ASIDE He added that fan organisations are involved in nearly every aspect of the war effort, from active combat duty to fundraising, veteran support, and providing technical skills like computer programming to the military. FOOTBALL FANS AT THE FRONT Eight hours east of Kyiv, in the Kharkiv region, servicemen from the 3rd Assault Brigade played a match on a field near bombed-out buildings. Many of these fighters had been recruited through football-related channels and acquaintances. “Organised fans play a huge role in this war because they’re highly motivated,” said a serviceman with the call sign “Shtahet”, a Dynamo supporter currently on deployment. Combat medic “Poltava” noted that football remains a vital morale booster. “We get together whenever we can and rent spaces to play,” he said. “There’s not much entertainment here, so football is our only joy.”
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B.C. Premier Eby says U.S. tariffs would be 'devastating' for forest industryAs Thaksin Shinawatra, ex-prime minister and the de facto leader of the Pheu Thai Party, is trying hard to tighten his grip on power, the local political landscape is shifting and changing. Politicians are now divided into three blocs: the ruling party, Bhumjaithai (BJT) and the People's Party, which, despite being the opposition, remains a strong force. There have been quite a few incidents over the past two months indicating there has been a falling out between Pheu Thai and the BJT, but since they do not have to face the prospect of a new election any time soon, they dare not break up right now for fear they may both end up losers. They need to reinforce their collective strength until the government's tenure expires in 2027. Thaksin, while campaigning in Chiang Mai for a local election recently, declared that his daughter, Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, will complete her term and that means the two parties will have no choice but to stick together till the end. Anutin Charnvirakul, the BJT leader, has downplayed the speculated rift, which involves a few issues including the absence of key politicians during a cabinet meeting on Dec 11 when two crucial executive decrees were tabled, as well as the controversy over the Khao Kradong land plot, ruling out conflicts between the two coalition partners. "There have not been -- and will not be -- any problems. We are obliged to work together as a government coalition," Mr Anutin said earlier. The BJT leader stressed that mutual respect will underpin their harmonious coexistence. As Pheu Thai and the BJT seem to have made a truce, the ruling party's relations with the United Thai Nation (UTN) have become strained over differences in energy policy and the so-called MOU 44 involving a joint development area between Thailand and Cambodia. But undeniably, the alliance between the ruling party and the BJT is fragile. The coalition fallout stems largely from Thaksin's attempt to consolidate power, and regain popularity among voters. After all, the government parties are political rivals and their getting on the same boat is just an ad-hoc affair, with one immediate goal, which was to block the since-disbanded Move Forward Party (MFP), the real poll winner, from taking office. Despite victories in the past few local polls including in Ratchaburi and Udon Thani, Pheu Thai is well aware that it still lags behind the MFP's reincarnation, the People's Party (PP), in terms of public support. It could be said Pheu Thai and Thaksin are playing for high stakes in the forthcoming provincial administrative organisation (PAO) elections, particularly in Chiang Mai. The party suffered a huge loss to the MFP in the 2023 national election in this northern province -- considered Pheu Thai's home base -- which was a major embarrassment. It cannot afford to lose again, or its former victories in local polls would be meaningless. This is a crucial time for Pheu Thai and Thaksin. Needless to say, they regard the remaining local polls, scheduled for Feb 1, as a case of all-out war. Thaksin, backed up by the old guard that enables him to escape from all accusations, has played an aggressive game. He wants to win as many seats as possible in the local polls, while trying to sweep all the "ban yai" political networks under his wing, with a view to securing victory in the next national election. Other parties face with the same challenge as Pheu Thai, as they attempt to maximise their gains in local elections, with the hope of winning the national election. With aggressive competition among "ban yai" politicians, violence is sometimes unavoidable as in the case of Prachin Buri. A local politician who wanted to leave the BJT for Pheu Thai ahead of the local polls was brutally killed. Apart from Chiang Mai, Thaksin, in his capacity as the poll campaign leader, is eyeing the North and Northeast -- formerly Pheu Thai's stronghold. His role is to allow his daughter to focus on running the country and winning hearts through populist policies like the cash handout scheme and housing projects for the poor. But as the three blocs strive to maintain their political triumvirate, the alliance is vulnerable to change. The PP is a key variable in Pheu Thai's decision to shift allegiance to the BJT. The old adage that there are no real friends and foes in politics remains valid. Some analysts note that the PP, which now has 143 MPs, may discreetly extend its hand to Pheu Thai, its friend in the last opposition bloc, for a possible alliance after the next election. Pheu Thai should welcome such a move as there is no guarantee it will make a big comeback in the 2027 polls. The ruling party has to accept this uncertainty given the fact that Ms Paetongtarn lacks strong political appeal, especially among urban voters. Therefore, it may need to nurture an alliance with the PP to give it leverage with the Old Guard, especially if they turn against the party. If so, the opposition and ruling party may again find one another to be "a friend in need". At the same time, we cannot underestimate the BJT's prowess, particularly if it joins forces with the UTN and Palang Pracharath or even the People's Party, should the latter compromise its stance on Section 112, the lese majeste law. Besides, the BJT has a strong affiliation with the Senate, which has the power to appoint members of independent agencies like the Constitutional Court and the Election Commission, to name but a few. At this stage, all three blocs have strong bargaining power against one another. Thaksin seems to have regained some strength but still cannot have absolute power -- as he enjoyed in the early 2000s. Besides, it is possible the ruling party may lose the next election, or find itself ditched by the old guard. With such uncertainty, Thaksin has no choice but to wage an all-out war to stay afloat. Chairith Yonpiam is assistant news editor, Bangkok Post.