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2025-01-12
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wild ace beer menu Investors can contact the law firm at no cost to learn more about recovering their losses LOS ANGELES, Dec. 09, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- The Portnoy Law Firm advises Coinbase Global, Inc. ("Coinbase" or the "Company") (NASDAQ: COIN) investors of a class action representing investors that bought securities between April 14, 2021 and July 25, 2024 , inclusive (the "Class Period"). Coinbase investors have until November 12, 2024 to file a lead plaintiff motion. Investors are encouraged to contact attorney Lesley F. Portnoy , by phone 310-692-8883 or email : lesley@portnoylaw.com, to discuss their legal rights, or click here to join the case. The Portnoy Law Firm can provide a complimentary case evaluation and discuss investors’ options for pursuing claims to recover their losses. On July 25, 2024, Reuters reported on a piece titled “Coinbase UK Unit Fined for Violating Financial Crime Regulations.” The article noted that Coinbase’s UK subsidiary, CB Payments Limited (CBPL), faced fines for failing to comply with a regulatory agreement aimed at strengthening its defenses against financial crime. Allegedly, CBPL provided services to 13,416 high-risk customers, contrary to a commitment made after an evaluation by the UK’s Financial Conduct Authority (FCA). Funds deposited by these high-risk clients were reportedly used to facilitate multiple crypto transactions through other Coinbase entities, amounting to approximately $226 million. Following this news, Coinbase’s stock price dropped by $13.52, falling from $245.04 on July 24, 2024, to close at $231.52 on July 25, 2024. The lawsuit claims that Coinbase made misleading statements and/or failed to disclose critical information, including: (1) In 2020, the FCA had determined that CBPL’s efforts to prevent criminal activity on its platform were inadequate; (2) this led to an agreement with CBPL that imposed requirements to prevent high-risk customers from accessing its services; (3) CBPL subsequently violated this agreement, allowing 13,416 high-risk individuals to use its platform; and (4) as a result, the company faced undisclosed increased regulatory risks. Please visit our website to review more information and submit your transaction information. The Portnoy Law Firm represents investors in pursuing claims against caused by corporate wrongdoing. The Firm’s founding partner has recovered over $5.5 billion for aggrieved investors. Attorney advertising. Prior results do not guarantee similar outcomes. Lesley F. Portnoy, Esq. 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The long sports-filled Thanksgiving weekend is a time when many Americans enjoy gathering with friends and family for good food, good company and hopefully not too much political conversation. Also on the menu — all the NFL and college sports you can handle. Here's a roadmap to one of the biggest sports weekends of the year, with a look at marquee games over the holiday and how to watch. All times are in EST. All odds are by BetMGM Sportsbook. • NFL: There is a triple-header lined up for pro football fans. Chicago at Detroit, 12:30 p.m., CBS: Rookie quarterback Caleb Williams and the Bears go against the Lions, who are one of the favorites to reach the Super Bowl in February. Lions favored by 10. New York at Dallas, 4:30 p.m., Fox: The Giants and Cowboys are both suffering through miserable seasons and are now using backup quarterbacks for different reasons. But if Dallas can figure out a way to win, it will still be on the fringe of the playoff race. Cowboys favored by 3 1/2. Miami at Green Bay, 8:20 p.m., NBC/Peacock: The Packers stumbled slightly out of the gate but have won six of their past seven games. They'll need a win against Miami to try to keep pace in the NFC North. Packers favored by 3. • College Football: Memphis at No. 18 Tulane, 7:30 p.m., ESPN. If college football is your jam, this is a good warmup for a big weekend. The Tigers try to ruin the Green Wave’s perfect record in the American Athletic Conference. Tulane is favored by 14. Kansas City Chiefs quarterback Patrick Mahomes works in the pocket against the Carolina Panthers during the first half of Sunday's game in Charlotte, N.C. • NFL: A rare Friday showdown features the league-leading Chiefs. Las Vegas at Kansas City, 3 p.m. Prime Video: The Chiefs and quarterback Patrick Mahomes are 12-point favorites over the Raiders. • College Basketball: Some of the top programs meet in holiday tournaments around the country. Battle 4 Atlantis championship, 5:30 p.m., ESPN: One of the premier early season tournaments, the eight-team field includes No. 3 Gonzaga, No. 14 Indiana and No. 24 Arizona. Rady Children's Invitational, 6 p.m., Fox: It's the championship game for a four-team field that includes No. 13 Purdue and No. 23 Mississippi. • College Football: There is a full slate of college games to dig into. Oregon State at No. 11 Boise State, noon, Fox: The Broncos try to stay in the College Football Playoff hunt when they host the Beavers. Boise State favored by 19 1/2. Oklahoma State at No. 23 Colorado, noon, ABC: The Buffaloes and Coach Prime are still in the hunt for the Big 12 championship game when they host the Cowboys. Colorado favored by 16 1/2. Georgia Tech at No. 6 Georgia, 7:30 p.m., ABC: The Bulldogs are on pace for a spot in the CFP but host what could be a tricky game against rival Georgia Tech. Georgia favored by 19 1/2. • NBA. After taking Thanksgiving off, pro basketball returns. Oklahoma City at Los Angeles Lakers, 10 p.m., ESPN: The Thunder look like one of the best teams in the NBA's Western Conference. They'll host Anthony Davis, LeBron James and the Lakers. Los Angeles Lakers forward LeBron James dunks during the first half of a Nov. 23 game against the Denver Nuggets in Los Angeles. • College Football. There are more matchups with playoff implications. Michigan at No. 2 Ohio State, noon, Fox: The Wolverines are struggling one season after winning the national title. They could make their fan base a whole lot happier with an upset of the Buckeyes. Ohio State favored by 21. No. 7 Tennessee at Vanderbilt, noon, ABC: The Volunteers are a fairly big favorite and have dominated this series, but the Commodores have been a tough team this season and already have achieved a monumental upset over Alabama. Tennessee favored by 11. No. 16 South Carolina at No. 12 Clemson, noon, ESPN: The Palmetto State rivals are both hanging on the edge of the CFP playoff race. A win — particularly for Clemson — would go a long way toward clinching its spot in the field. Clemson favored by 2 1/2. No. 3 Texas at No. 20 Texas A&M, 7:30 p.m. ABC: The Aggies host their in-state rival for the first time since 2011 after the Longhorns joined the SEC. Texas favored by 5 1/2. Washington at No. 1 Oregon, 7:30 p.m., NBC: The top-ranked Ducks have been one of the nation’s best teams all season. They’ll face the Huskies, who would love a marquee win in coach Jedd Fisch’s first season. Oregon favored by 19 1/2. • NBA: A star-studded clash is part of the league's lineup. Golden State at Phoenix, 9 p.m., NBA TV: Steph Curry and the Warriors are set to face the Suns' Big Three of Kevin Durant, Devin Booker and Bradley Beal. • NFL: It's Sunday, that says it all. Pittsburgh at Cincinnati, 1 p.m., CBS: Joe Burrow is having a great season for the Bengals, who are struggling in other areas. They need a win to stay in the playoff race, hosting a Steelers team that's 8-3 and won five of their past six. Bengals favored by 3. Arizona at Minnesota, 1 p.m., Fox: The Cardinals are tied for the top of the NFC West while the Vikings are 9-2 and have been one of the biggest surprises of the season with journeyman Sam Darnold under center. Vikings favored by 3 1/2. Philadelphia at Baltimore, 4:25 p.m., CBS: Two of the league's most electric players will be on the field when Saquon Barkley and the Eagles travel to face Lamar Jackson and the Ravens. Ravens favored by 3. San Francisco at Buffalo, 8:20 p.m. NBC/Peacock: The 49ers try to get back to .500 against the Bills, who have won six straight. Bills favored by 7. • NBA. The best teams in the Eastern Conference meet in a statement game. Boston at Cleveland, 6 p.m., NBA TV: The defending champion Celtics travel to face the Cavs, who won their first 15 games to start the season. • Premier League: English soccer fans have a marquee matchup. Manchester City at Liverpool, 11 a.m., USA Network/Telemundo. The two top teams meet with Manchester City trying to shake off recent struggles. • Auto Racing: The F1 season nears its conclusion. F1 Qatar Grand Prix, 11 a.m., ESPN2 – It's the penultimate race of the season. Max Verstappen already has clinched his fourth consecutive season championship. - Seasons coached: 23 - Years active: 1981-2003 - Record: 190-165-2 - Winning percentage: .535 - Championships: 0 Dan Reeves reached the Super Bowl four times—thrice with the Denver Broncos and once with the Atlanta Falcons—but never won the NFL's crown jewel. Still, he racked up nearly 200 wins across his 23-year career, including a stint in charge of the New York Giants, with whom he won Coach of the Year in 1993. In all his tenures, he quickly built contenders—the three clubs he coached were a combined 17-31 the year before Reeves joined and 28-20 in his first year. However, his career ended on a sour note as he was fired from a 3-10 Falcons team after Week 14 in 2003. - Seasons coached: 23 - Years active: 1969-91 - Record: 193-148-1 - Winning percentage: .566 - Championships: 4 Chuck Noll's Pittsburgh Steelers were synonymous with success in the 1970s. Behind his defense, known as the Steel Curtain, and offensive stars, including Terry Bradshaw, Franco Harris, and Lynn Swann, Noll led the squad to four Super Bowl victories from 1974 to 1979. Noll's Steelers remain the lone team to win four Super Bowls in six years, though Andy Reid and Kansas City could equal that mark if they win the Lombardi Trophy this season. Noll was elected to the Pro Football Hall of Fame in 1993, two years after retiring. His legacy of coaching success has carried on in Pittsburgh—the club has had only two coaches (Bill Cowher and Mike Tomlin) since Noll retired. - Seasons coached: 21 - Years active: 1984-98, 2001-06 - Record: 200-126-1 - Winning percentage: .613 - Championships: 0 As head coach of Cleveland, Kansas City, Washington, and San Diego, Marty Schottenheimer proved a successful leader during the regular season. Notably, he was named Coach of the Year after turning around his 4-12 Chargers team to a 12-4 record in 2004. His teams, however, struggled during the playoffs. Schottheimer went 5-13 in the postseason, and he never made it past the conference championship round. As such, the Pennsylvania-born skipper is the winningest NFL coach never to win a league championship. - Seasons coached: 29 - Years active: 1960-88 - Record: 250-162-6 - Winning percentage: .607 - Championships: 2 The first head coach of the Dallas Cowboys, Tom Landry held the position for his entire 29-year tenure as an NFL coach. The Cowboys were especially dominant in the 1970s when they made five Super Bowls and won the big game twice. Landry was known for coaching strong all-around squads and a unit that earned the nickname the "Doomsday Defense." Between 1966 and 1985, Landry and his Cowboys enjoyed 20 straight seasons with a winning record. He was elected to the Hall of Fame in 1990. - Seasons coached: 29 - Years active: 1991-95, 2000-23 - Record: 302-165 - Winning percentage: .647 - Championships: 6 The most successful head coach of the 21st century, Bill Belichick first coached the Cleveland Browns before taking over the New England Patriots in 2000. With the Pats, Belichick combined with quarterback Tom Brady to win six Super Bowls in 18 years. Belichick and New England split after last season when the Patriots went 4-13—the worst record of Belichick's career. His name has swirled around potential coaching openings , but nothing has come of it. Belichick has remained in the media spotlight with his regular slot on the "Monday Night Football" ManningCast. - Seasons coached: 40 - Years active: 1920-29, '33-42, '46-55, '58-67 - Record: 318-148-31 - Winning percentage: .682 - Championships: 6 George Halas was the founder and longtime owner of the Chicago Bears and coached the team across four separate stints. Nicknamed "Papa Bear," he built the ballclub into one of the NFL's premier franchises behind players such as Bronko Nagurski and Sid Luckman. Halas also played for the team, competing as a player-coach in the 1920s. The first coach to study opponents via game film, he was once a baseball player and even made 12 appearances as a member of the New York Yankees in 1919. He was inducted into the Hall of Fame in 1963 as both a coach and owner. - Seasons coached: 33 - Years active: 1963-95 - Record: 328-156-6 - Winning percentage: .677 - Championships: 2 The winningest head coach in NFL history is Don Shula, who first coached the Baltimore Colts (losing Super Bowl III to Joe Namath and the New York Jets) for seven years before leading the Miami Dolphins for 26 seasons. With the Fins, Shula won back-to-back Super Bowls in 1972 and 1973, a run that included a 17-0 season—the only perfect campaign in NFL history. He also coached quarterback great Dan Marino in the 1980s and '90s, but the pair made it to a Super Bowl just once. Shula was inducted into the Hall of Fame in 1997. Story editing by Mike Taylor. Copy editing by Robert Wickwire. Photo selection by Lacy Kerrick. You may also like: The 5 biggest upsets of the 2023-24 NFL regular season Get local news delivered to your inbox!Mumbai: Technology companies have rejected telecom operators ' demand to bring OTT messaging channels like Meta's WhatsApp and Google RCS under the centralised blockchain system and regulate them to check spam, saying it wasn't technically possible. The telcos' call to look at anti-spam measures through the prism of regulation was flawed and overlooked the need for innovation to check the menace, they said. Instead of pressing regulators to bring apps such as WhatsApp and RCS under regulation, telecom companies should focus on investing in innovation to bring down their own compliance costs, they suggested. "Pressing the regulatory framework is not the solution to controlling spam as there is abundant proof that telecom companies have not been able to do that," a senior executive of a leading global tech company told ET. "In fact, they (telcos) are late to the party in using AI (artificial intelligence) to control spam while technology companies have been doing it for a decade." He was referring to Bharti Airtel and Vodafone Idea recently introducing AI/ML-based solutions to control spam messages and calls, after being pushed by the regulator. The chief executive of a communications company said telcos are arguing for regulation to counter advanced communication channels which are innovating faster and better than them. "The telecom companies have failed in a fruitful implementation of the TCCCPR (Telecom Commercial Communication Customer Preference Regulations) 2018 because of price wars among themselves," said this executive. "It has been eight years, and the digital consent acquisition piece-the most important module of the regulation-is still not implemented," he added. Strategy Succession Planning Masterclass By - Nigel Penny, Global Strategy Advisor: NSP Strategy Facilitation Ltd. 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Telecom companies have been seeking "same service, same rules" for communication apps that offer calling and messaging services similar to what telcos provide. Tech companies say the reason for the telcos' demand was due to the fact that they face hefty price competition from the likes of WhatsApp and RCS which offer services at cheaper rates than SMS. Carriers argue apps can afford to provide cheaper services as they don't need to adhere to regularity responsibilities or invest in telecom infrastructure, which involve a cost. Bharti Airtel recently wrote to the telecom regulator to bring OTT platforms like WhatsApp, Telegram and Signal under the common blockchain filtering and digital consent acquisition system. But bringing WhatsApp and RCS under the decentralised blockchain system is technically and operationally non-feasible, technology experts said. The reason being that telecom and information services are not interoperable. The blockchain is designed to filter SMS headers, templates and user consent. WhatsApp Business, for example, does not operate in the same manner. "While this can be done by OTT channels operating a separate node in the blockchain, it will be an extremely chaotic situation," said the product head at a blockchain technology firm. "Imagine the complexities for businesses who need to maintain separate templates for SMSes, WhatsApp messages, RCS messages which are vastly different in form. An SMS header, for example, 'VM-HDFCBK' is not the same as a WhatsApp Business account 'HDFC Bank'. This means if telecom and OTT channels are non-interoperable, there is no practical use of bringing them on the blockchain," this person said. He added that rich media like images, pdf documents, audio, location, etc., cannot be scrubbed (or filtered) on the existing system. Nominations for ET MSME Awards are now open. The last day to apply is December 15, 2024. Click here to submit your entry for any one or more of the 22 categories and stand a chance to win a prestigious award. (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel )



I tried the one-touch rule to organise my home. Here's what happened

FLORHAM PARK, N.J., Nov. 27, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Celularity Inc. (Nasdaq: CELU) (“Celularity” or the “Company”), a regenerative medicine company developing placental-derived allogeneic cell therapies and advanced biomaterial products, announced that on November 21, 2024, the Company received notification from the Listing Qualifications department of the Nasdaq Stock Market LLC (“Nasdaq”) stating that the Company does not comply with the Nasdaq continued listing requirements due to the Company’s inability to timely file its Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q for the period ended September 30, 2024 (the “Q3 Form 10-Q”). Nasdaq’s notice has no immediate effect on the listing of Celularity’s common stock and warrants, which continue to trade on the Nasdaq Capital Market under the symbols “CELU” and “CELUW,” respectively. The Company is required to submit to Nasdaq a plan to regain compliance with respect to its delinquent report by no later than January 20, 2025, and if accepted, the Company has until May 13, 2025, to implement the plan to regain compliance. The Company intends to submit a plan to Nasdaq by no later than January 20, 2025 and will evaluate available options to regain compliance within the compliance period. However, there can be no assurance that Nasdaq will accept the plan, the Company will regain compliance within the compliance period, or maintain compliance with the other Nasdaq listing requirements. While the Company has made significant progress in improving its financial reporting infrastructure, these enhancements have required time to implement effectively. The filing delay of the Q3 Form 10-Q primarily results from the backlog associated with the Company’s efforts to become current on its previous filings, including the Forms 10-Q for the first and second quarters of 2024, which were filed recently. “We acknowledge the challenges associated with our recent delays, but we remain committed to ensuring robust and timely financial reporting,” said Robert J. Hariri, M.D., Ph.D., Founder, Chairman, and CEO of Celularity. “We are nearing the completion of the Q3 Form 10-Q and expect to file it shortly. The improvements we have made to our finance function are setting the stage for long-term success, and we are committed to maintaining compliance going forward.” About Celularity Celularity Inc. (Nasdaq: CELU) is a regenerative medicine company developing and commercializing advanced biomaterial products and allogeneic, cryopreserved, placental-derived cell therapies, all derived from the postpartum placenta. Its therapeutic programs target aging-related diseases, including degenerative diseases, cancer, and immune disorders, using mesenchymal-like adherent stromal cells (MLASCs), T-cells engineered with CAR (CAR T-cells), and genetically modified and unmodified natural killer (NK) cells. Celularity believes that by harnessing the placenta’s unique biology and ready availability, it can develop therapeutic solutions that address significant unmet global needs for effective, accessible, and affordable therapies. For more information, visit www.celularity.com. Forward-Looking Statements This press release includes “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of the U.S. Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995, as well as within the meaning of Section 27A of the U.S. Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the U.S. Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended. All statements other than statements of historical facts are “forward-looking statements,” including those relating to future events. In some cases, you can identify forward-looking statements by terminology such as “anticipate,” “believe,” “can,” “contemplate,” “continue,” “could,” “estimate,” “expect,” “forecast,” “intends,” “may,” “might,” “outlook,” “plan,” “possible,” “potential,” “predict,” “project,” “seek,” “should,” “strive,” “target,” “will,” “would” and the negative of terms like these or other comparable terminology, and other words or terms of similar meaning. The forward-looking statements in this press release include express or implied statements regarding the expected timing of the Company’s filing of its quarterly report for the period ending September 30, 2024 on Form 10-Q, the potential submission of a plan to Nasdaq and the potential for Nasdaq to accept such plan or grant the Company an exception period, and the Company’s ability to regain compliance with the Nasdaq continued listing standards. Many factors could cause actual results to differ materially from those described in these forward-looking statements, including but not limited to: the Company’s liquidity situation; the volatility in the Company’s stock price; inherent risks in biotechnological development, including with respect to the development of novel advanced biomaterials; and the regulatory approval process; along with those risk factors set forth under the caption “Risk Factors” in the Company’s annual report on Form 10-K filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) on July 30, 2024, and other filings with the SEC. If any of these risks materialize or underlying assumptions prove incorrect, actual results could differ materially from the results implied by these forward-looking statements. There may be additional risks that the Company does not presently know, or that the Company currently believes are immaterial, that could also cause actual results to differ from those contained in the forward-looking statements. In addition, these forward-looking statements reflect the Company’s current expectations, plans, or forecasts of future events and views as of the date of this communication. Subsequent events and developments could cause assessments to change. Accordingly, forward-looking statements should not be relied upon as representing the Company’s views as of any subsequent date, and the Company undertakes no obligation to update forward-looking statements to reflect events or circumstances after the date hereof, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise, except as may be required under applicable securities laws. Investor Contact : Carlos Ramirez Senior Vice President, Celularity Inc. Carlos.ramirez@celularity.com Media Contact: Raquel Cona / Michaela Fawcett KCSA Strategic Communications rcona@kcsa.com / mfawcett@kcsa.comMichail Antonio had video call with West Ham team before their win over WolvesMore Biden judges will be confirmed, but four appeals court nominees won’t see a vote under Senate deal

There is no shortage of speculation about what U.S. imperialism will look like under the new Trump administration. The former president is still remembered for his chaotic decision making and lack of interest in the traditional alliances of U.S. imperialism, like NATO. But Trump’s foreign policy is far more complex than mere “America First” isolationism. In fact, Trump brings with him various ideas that are still being debated within the Right. As Alec Russell explains in the Financial Times : While in thrall to Trump, the [Republican] party has three national security groupings competing for his ear, according to the European Council on Foreign Relations: “restrainers”, essentially America Firsters; “prioritisers” who want to focus on China; and “primacists”, old-school believers in projecting American power across the world who have a strong caucus in the Senate. The first two are united in wanting to all but leave Ukraine to Europe. These competing views explain how Trump positions himself as an “anti-war” candidate, lambasting the architects of the War on Terror, while promising that under his administration the world will no longer view the United States as “weak.” The different ideas developing on the Right contain some points of convergence, but there are just as many, if not more, disagreements among the leading figures and intellectuals of the MAGA movement. This article will attempt to make sense of the Trumpist foreign by looking at the competing ideas on the Right. Trump embodies an attempt to bring together different ideas, testing them out in a volatile international landscape. “Peace Through Strength” In his 2016 campaign, Trump saw a growing rejection of forever wars among the U.S. working class, just as he saw U.S. power being stretched thin through its myriad international commitments. Trump spoke to the communities that were decimated by globalization moving manufacturing jobs overseas, and popularized elements of isolationism and economic populism. As Sou Mi wrote for Left Voice in October: During his first term in office, with the promise to “Make America Great Again,” Trump embarked on a protectionist campaign that marked a departure from the decades where diplomacy, organized in the fight for “democracy,” helped organize a capitalist world order behind the United States. Declaring that it was time for the world to pay its “fair share,” Trump withdrew the U.S. from key international agreements, such as the Paris Climate Agreement and important UN bodies like the Human Rights Council, and even threatened to withdraw from NATO, all of which have been strategic treaties and institutions of maneuver for U.S. imperialism. Against the United States’ adversaries like China, Trump unleashed a trade war. On the campaign trail now, from championing the U.S. withdrawal from the war in Ukraine, to the competition with China, Trump proposes much the same. But Trump was unable to resolve every limit of U.S. imperialism by simply looking inward. In cases where U.S. power was more seriously challenged by regional powers or adversaries, Trump engaged in economic and even military aggression. Strong-arming allies and adversaries alike will be a hallmark of Trump’s foreign policy during his second term. This strategy is elaborated on in a Foreign Affairs essay by Robert C. O’Brien, Trump’s former national security advisor, titled “The Return of Peace Through Strength: “America first is not America alone” is a mantra often repeated by Trump administration officials, and for good reason: Trump recognizes that a successful foreign policy requires joining forces with friendly governments and people elsewhere. The fact that Trump took a new look at which countries and groups were most pertinent does not make him purely transactional or an isolationist hostile to alliances, as his critics claim. NATO and U.S. cooperation with Japan, Israel, and the Arab Gulf states were all militarily strengthened when Trump was president. Trump’s foreign policy and trade policy can be accurately understood as a reaction to the shortcomings of neoliberal internationalism, or globalism, as practiced from the early 1990s until 2017. Like many American voters, Trump grasped that “free trade” has been nothing of the sort in practice and in many instances involved foreign governments using high tariffs, barriers to trade, and the theft of intellectual property to harm U.S. economic and security interests. O’Brien goes further, with concrete proposals for reorganizing U.S. resources and getting allies and adversaries alike to fall in line. The list of proposals O’Brien makes over the course of the article is too long to cite in full, but the idea is to reshuffle U.S. military resources to focus more directly on the Asia-Pacific region, to ramp up economic warfare against adversaries including Iran and China, and to threaten to withhold military support for allies such as Taiwan and NATO countries unless they spend more on their militaries. (There are further ideas for demands to place on U.S. allies, such as NATO rotating forces to Poland and Taiwan increasing conscription.) O’Brien also proposes an agenda for replenishing military assets including aircraft carriers, submarines, bombers, and missiles, which he argues will require massive investments in critical technology and an overhaul of the acquisition process. More than military leverage, however, Trump will likely use U.S. economic power to push for concessions. We see this in his embrace of tariffs, promising to put 60 percent tariffs on imports from China to pressure companies toward decoupling, and 20 percent tariffs on imports from all other countries so companies relocate to the United States. Additionally, tariffs will play a significant role in the negotiations over the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement in 2026. The more traditional neoconservative wing of the MAGA movement has serious concerns about Trump’s love of tariffs, even while they embrace his “peace through strength” approach to geopolitics. It is not just foreign policy that O’Brien is concerned with. What the United States can do abroad is dependent on rebuilding U.S. manufacturing capacity: To maintain its competitive edge in the face of this onslaught, the United States must remain the best place in the world to invest, innovate, and do business. But the increasing authority of the U.S. regulatory state, including overaggressive antitrust enforcement, threatens to destroy the American system of free enterprise. Even as Chinese companies receive unfair support from Beijing to put American companies out of business, the governments of the United States and its European allies are making it harder for those same American companies to compete. This is a recipe for national decline; Western governments should abandon these unnecessary regulations. O’Brien won’t put it this bluntly, but to be clear, his is a policy of reindustrializing the United States by gutting worker protections, waging war on unions, and allowing big businesses to hyper-exploit American workers the way that they have reaped enormous profits from the hyper-exploitation of Chinese workers. While the Republican Party has some consensus on the idea that the United States can and should strongarm its way back to dominance, important divisions remain. Most notable is the small but significant sector of “restrainers,” perhaps best represented by the figure of JD Vance. This sector has their own plan for re-establishing U.S. power. “America Can’t Do Everything” Choose any foreign policy think tank or bourgeois publication, and you’ll probably find an essay arguing that the United States is not prepared to fight a three-front war. This is a crisis for U.S. imperialism which the capitalists are quite aware of, since the United States is coming up against real limits in its goal to be economically and militarily dominant everywhere all at once. As Juan Chingo writes : The deep foundations of US imperialist fatigue come from the very exercise of its imperialist supremacy, pushed to its limits during the neoliberal offensive and the “harmonious” advance of globalization. Post-Cold War unipolarity was supposed to bring the world into closer alignment with the United States through the market, democracy, and military might. Instead, the last 30 years have seen military defeats, severe economic inequalities at home, and heavy international burdens. In particular, the neocon-driven “attempt to redefine imperialist hegemony” in the early 2000s turned into its opposite with the defeats in Iraq and Afghanistan. Yet US interventionism has only grown (if we take into consideration invasions and other military involvements, only Andorra, Bhutan, and Liechtenstein have not seen US armed forces on their territory). This, together with the relative deindustrialization generated by “globalization” at home, led to the emergence of a new isolationist sentiment: the feeling that the United States is doing too much abroad rather than tackling economic and social challenges at home. First Trump and then Biden put forward the idea that the priority is to rebuild America. In other words, the attempt to “Americanize the world” has ended in great disillusionment, weakening the United States internally. [...] US citizens are increasingly unwilling to bear the indefinite costs of defending their country’s global hegemony; a growing number of people contest the use of force abroad, refuse to serve in the military, demand limits on spending for allied support, and so on. This refusal to make sacrifices for US imperialism is linked to increasing social suffering: daily shootings, declining life expectancy, widespread depression among young people, plummeting quality of education, and the opioid epidemic (which is among the leading causes of death among adults under 50). The formerly strong labor aristocracy (misnamed the “middle class”) has seen the erosion of its living conditions, as showed by the UAW strike in 2023. If “peace through strength” posits that the main issue stopping the United States from reasserting itself is a lack of will to take risky unilateral action, the “restrainers” in the MAGA movement see the limits Chingo lays out above as the greatest obstacle to rebuilding U.S. power. Prior to being nominated as Trump’s Vice President, Ohio Senator JD Vance spoke at a forum organized by the realist think tank The Quincy Institute and the right-wing publication The American Conservative . His insights are important, not just because he is soon to be Vice President, but because he is a leading intellectual of the New Right. He says bluntly: “America can’t do everything.” This informs how he believes the United States should engage with its allies, especially in Ukraine and the Middle East. While Vance lays out his views on Ukraine and Iran in depth, he takes great pains to emphasize that the most important confrontation is the one with China: The most important part of American foreign policy is actually the strength of our economy and the strength of our domestic population. And if there is something that should worry all of us... it’s that China... is now arguably the most powerful industrial economy in the world. If we’re gonna lose a war, it will be because we have allowed our primary rival to become arguably our most powerful industrial competitor. Vance represents the still marginal “restrainer” sector of the Right. This does not mean he is anti-war. What it means is that “restrainers” believe that the first task in a strategy to restore U.S. strength is to focus on industrial capacity and avoid foreign commitments that distract from investing in domestic needs. The decline in U.S. manufacturing motivates the sector of the MAGA movement that has most vocally questioned the continuation of the war in Ukraine. In another speech at the Munich Security Conference in February, Vance argued: Number one, the problem in Ukraine from the perspective of the United States of America, and I represent, I believe, the majority of American public opinion, even though I don’t represent the majority of opinion of senators who come to Munich, is that there’s no clear endpoint, and fundamentally the limiting factors for American support of Ukraine, it’s not money, it’s munitions. America, and this is true, by the way, of Europe too, we don’t make enough munitions to support a war in Eastern Europe, a war in the Middle East, and potentially a contingency in East Asia. So the United States is fundamentally limited. Now, let me just throw very specific details. The PAC-3, which is a Patriot interceptor, Ukraine uses in a month what the United States makes in a year. The Patriot missile system is on a five year back order, 155 millimeter artillery shells on more than a five year back order, We’re talking in the United States about ramping up our production of artillery to 100,000 a month by the end of 2025. The Russians make close to 500,000 a month right now at this very minute. So the problem here vis-à-vis Ukraine is America doesn’t make enough weapons, Europe doesn’t make enough weapons, and that reality is far more important than American political will or how much money we print and then send to Europe. Vance’s concerns over the continuation of the war in Ukraine are not necessarily incompatible with an interventionist, “peace through strength” approach. Trump may attempt to bring a pause to the war in Ukraine by economically and militarily threatening Zelenskyy and Putin into reaching a deal that freezes the conflict, allowing the United States to replenish its arsenal. More likely, Trump may find Putin unwilling to agree to a deal that favors U.S. interests, leaving Trump with no choice but to strongarm European powers into ramping up their own military commitments (which many of them are already doing). Whether or not the continuation of the war in Ukraine has buy-in from the restrainer sector will depend on how effectively Trump is able to compensate for the depletion of the U.S. arsenal as well as the lack of U.S. productive capacity. But one should not discount the possibility of this sector playing an important role in U.S. foreign policy. It was, after all, this sector, organized in the House Freedom Caucus, that imposed a government shutdown and ousted Republican House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, largely over the question of Ukraine. With Vance now representing the “restrainers” as Vice President, they may play a role in how the Ukraine war develops. “Pro-Labor Conservatism” If the “restrainers” see the lack of productive capacity as the foundation of what the United States can and cannot do internationally, it follows that they would have ideas for reindustrialization. But here too, we see differences within the Right. In an interview with the New York Times’s Ezra Klein, Vivek Ramaswamy elaborates on some of the differences in the New Right, counterposing his thinking to that of Vance: Broadly what’s thought of in popular circles as the “America First” movement today, but what I call “the protectionist wing of the America First movement,” is an economic objective, an economic project... The protectionist strand of this says, “Okay well if big government’s gonna be here to stay, we don’t just want to curb it, we actually want to use it to advance substantive goals of our own.” Vs. the strand that I’m more identified with... says that actually the whole project, we’ve gotta actually keep our eye on the ball, is dismantling the existence of that nanny state in all of its form. Ramaswamy agrees with O’Brien’s proposal to reindustrialize the United States by attacking unions and gutting regulations. He will have plenty of opportunity to do this as co-chair of the Department of Government Efficiency. But what exactly are the “goals” of what he calls the “protectionist wing” of the America First movement? Vance is at the forefront of a movement within the Right which seeks to embrace workers. While this movement is hardly hegemonic in the Republican Party, the invitation to Teamsters president Sean O’Brien to speak at the Republican National Convention shows that it must be taken seriously. Missouri Senator Josh Hawley praised the speech as a sign of “the promise of pro-labor conservatism”: As O’Brien’s appearance Monday night suggested, this is a watershed moment. Thanks to Donald Trump, there is much that Republicans and labor can already agree on. China is ripping us off, and strong tariffs must be maintained and expanded. We ought to support our auto workers with an America First energy policy, rather than kneecapping that storied industry with idiotic electric-vehicle mandates. We should renegotiate trade deals, protect Social Security and Medicare, and initiate antitrust suits against the most egregious corporate abuses. O’Brien gives us the roadmap to go even further in 2025. And we should. I have stood on the picket line with the UAW and the Teamsters—all Republicans should do it. I voted to stop Amazon’s labor exploitation, give more sick days to rail workers, and worked across the aisle to limit bank-executive pay. Republicans can begin there. But if given power, we should embrace even more. Let’s cap credit-card interest rates, take the fight to Big Pharma, end exploitative forced labor, and rid politics of corporate money once and for all. Like Hawley, Vance visited the UAW picket line. Additionally, he has supported Lina Khan, the combative Chair of the Federal Trade Commission who has aggressively gone after monopolies. The sector of the Right that advocates for “pro-labor conservatism” is not pro-worker. Like the rest of the MAGA movement, they are viciously anti-immigrant. As I have written extensively , the attacks on undocumented workers are one of the main ways that capitalists are able to weaken all workers in the United States by dividing our ranks. The war on migrants creates conditions of precarity that push down the conditions of U.S.-born workers too. Additionally, Hawley, Vance, and their “pro-labor” ilk have no interest in supporting public sector unions. They will gladly go along with Ramaswamy’s and Musk’s coming war on government workers. But a larger war on the workers might face challenges from this sector of the Right that focuses on establishing an alliance with some unions to rebuild U.S. production and bring sectors of the working class closer to the Republican Party. If issues such as tariffs, Ukraine, and labor produce debate and even conflict within the Right, there are still important points of agreement holding this coalition together. Three stand out. 1) China is the main adversary the United States needs to confront. 2) An extreme anti-immigration approach is key to reindustrialization. 3) The United States can get out of the Middle East by empowering Israel to more aggressively confront Iran. While examples of the first point have already been quoted at length, the latter two should be understood more. It is easy to write off the war on immigration as red meat to rally the Right’s base. But, as I wrote with Sou Mi , the militarization of the border has strategic value. Latin America, and Mexico in particular, has an important role to play in the reindustrialization of the United States. The region is rich in essential minerals that are vital to new technologies. The “security threats” of mass migration and drug trafficking allow for the continued militarization of Latin America, which the United States uses to impose trade arrangements in favor of its own capitalists. Additionally, the “peace through strength” policy of reindustrialization can more effectively decouple from China by nearshoring cheap production to Mexico, which is now the United States’ biggest trading partner. Domestically U.S. capitalists can recreate China’s precarious labor conditions by increasing exploitation of migrant workers under threat of deportation or through “slave-like” guest worker programs such as H-2A, which have long been utilized by the farming industry. In the Middle East, the fantasy is that a military defeat of the Iran-aligned Axis of Resistance will be easy. This, along with a return to “maximum pressure” sanctions to crush Iran’s economy, are presented as a strategy to effectively take the country out of regional and international politics. In some ways, this view has been proven correct, as Israel has assassinated top leaders of Hamas and Hezbollah, in some cases on Iranian soil, with limited retaliation from the Iranian regime. As both Vance and O’Brien have argued, once Iran is dealt with, the United States can simply allow Israel and the Gulf states to take the lead on restabilizing the region in a way that benefits U.S. interests. As I’ve argued, we actually see the opposite: Biden’s unconditional support for Israel’s genocide in Palestine and attempt to create a “Greater Israel” has further trapped the United States in the Middle East. Thus, even the points of agreement within the Right are limited by the realities of a complex geopolitical landscape. Trump’s plans for mass deportations will likely face serious opposition from the capitalists who rely on undocumented labor. As the debate over tariffs shows, even as the capitalists agree that the United States needs to prioritize confronting China, there is no agreement on what exactly that looks like and what risks it will require. As Andrew Michta puts it in an analysis of Trump’s foreign policy by the Atlantic Council: Grand strategy rarely comes up on the campaign trail, but whatever hints Trump offered for how he would approach it pale in comparison with this reality: The post-Cold War “holiday from history” is over, and the world has entered a period of protracted systemic instability, with increasingly fragile regional power balances and the risk of great-power conflict growing exponentially. These dynamics will compel the next administration to recognize, when crafting the United States’ national security strategy, that geopolitics has returned with a vengeance. They will require articulating the country’s irreducible national interests, while identifying the key theaters the United States needs to shape and the resources it must bring to bear to achieve its strategic objectives. Urgent priorities will include reassessing unstable regional balances and genuinely reconsidering the organization of US relationships with adversaries, allies, and partners. US strategy will also need to address continuing economic turbulence, especially as it impacts the reliability of supply chains. It is impossible to understand how Trump will approach these challenges without first understanding the foreign policy debates on the Right. Trump has been able to bring together different factions with competing ideas for U.S. imperialism. His next term will be a test of their different ideas, beginning first with a focus on the “peace through strength” strategy. Yet for all the faith that the Right has in strongarm tactics, the risk of serious escalation is greater than it was when Trump left office, and miscalculations could lead to the United States becoming further embroiled in bigger confrontations with Iran, Russia, and China. The economic turmoil that Trump’s approach risks might also create greater division within the Right and among the capitalists. Most importantly, class struggle has also begun to re-emerge in the United States alongside a new anti-imperialist student movement . This could lead to greater opposition to Trump’s far-right agenda. While Trump’s presidential campaign was able to consolidate a base among sectors of the U.S. working class, actually maintaining that base of support is much trickier, especially once these workers find themselves on the receiving end of the austerity measures that people like O’Brien, Ramaswamy, and Elon Musk are eager to impose. The Biden administration’s failure to resolve the multiple crises of U.S. imperialism through his multilateral approach enabled the Far Right to sell its foreign policy to wider sectors of the masses and the capitalists. Class struggle will test the success of the Far Right’s imperialist vision. Anyone genuinely interested in ending capitalist wars need to fight for a socialist vision. Donald Trump Far-Right Imperialism J.D. Vance Republican Party

Also on the menu — all the NFL and college sports you can handle. Here's a roadmap to one of the biggest sports weekends of the year, with a look at marquee games over the holiday and how to watch. All times are in EST. All odds are by BetMGM Sportsbook. What to watch Thursday • NFL: There is a triple-header lined up for pro football fans. Chicago at Detroit, 12:30 p.m., CBS: Rookie quarterback Caleb Williams and the Bears go against the Lions, who are one of the favorites to reach the Super Bowl in February. Lions favored by 10. New York at Dallas, 4:30 p.m., Fox: The Giants and Cowboys are both suffering through miserable seasons and are now using backup quarterbacks for different reasons. But if Dallas can figure out a way to win, it will still be on the fringe of the playoff race. Cowboys favored by 3 1/2. Miami at Green Bay, 8:20 p.m., NBC/Peacock: The Packers stumbled slightly out of the gate but have won six of their past seven games. They'll need a win against Miami to try to keep pace in the NFC North. Packers favored by 3. • College Football: Memphis at No. 18 Tulane, 7:30 p.m., ESPN. If college football is your jam, this is a good warmup for a big weekend. The Tigers try to ruin the Green Wave’s perfect record in the American Athletic Conference. Tulane is favored by 14. What to watch Friday • NFL: A rare Friday showdown features the league-leading Chiefs. Las Vegas at Kansas City, 3 p.m. Prime Video: The Chiefs and quarterback Patrick Mahomes are 12-point favorites over the Raiders. • College Basketball: Some of the top programs meet in holiday tournaments around the country. Battle 4 Atlantis championship, 5:30 p.m., ESPN: One of the premier early season tournaments, the eight-team field includes No. 3 Gonzaga, No. 14 Indiana and No. 24 Arizona. Rady Children's Invitational, 6 p.m., Fox: It's the championship game for a four-team field that includes No. 13 Purdue and No. 23 Mississippi. • College Football: There is a full slate of college games to dig into. Oregon State at No. 11 Boise State, noon, Fox: The Broncos try to stay in the College Football Playoff hunt when they host the Beavers. Boise State favored by 19 1/2. Oklahoma State at No. 23 Colorado, noon, ABC: The Buffaloes and Coach Prime are still in the hunt for the Big 12 championship game when they host the Cowboys. Colorado favored by 16 1/2. Georgia Tech at No. 6 Georgia, 7:30 p.m., ABC: The Bulldogs are on pace for a spot in the CFP but host what could be a tricky game against rival Georgia Tech. Georgia favored by 19 1/2. • NBA. After taking Thanksgiving off, pro basketball returns. Oklahoma City at Los Angeles Lakers, 10 p.m., ESPN: The Thunder look like one of the best teams in the NBA's Western Conference. They'll host Anthony Davis, LeBron James and the Lakers. What to watch Saturday • College Football. There are more matchups with playoff implications. Michigan at No. 2 Ohio State, noon, Fox: The Wolverines are struggling one season after winning the national title. They could make their fan base a whole lot happier with an upset of the Buckeyes. Ohio State favored by 21. No. 7 Tennessee at Vanderbilt, noon, ABC: The Volunteers are a fairly big favorite and have dominated this series, but the Commodores have been a tough team this season and already have achieved a monumental upset over Alabama. Tennessee favored by 11. No. 16 South Carolina at No. 12 Clemson, noon, ESPN: The Palmetto State rivals are both hanging on the edge of the CFP playoff race. A win — particularly for Clemson — would go a long way toward clinching its spot in the field. Clemson favored by 2 1/2. No. 3 Texas at No. 20 Texas A&M, 7:30 p.m. ABC: The Aggies host their in-state rival for the first time since 2011 after the Longhorns joined the SEC. Texas favored by 5 1/2. Washington at No. 1 Oregon, 7:30 p.m., NBC: The top-ranked Ducks have been one of the nation’s best teams all season. They’ll face the Huskies, who would love a marquee win in coach Jedd Fisch’s first season. Oregon favored by 19 1/2. • NBA: A star-studded clash is part of the league's lineup. Golden State at Phoenix, 9 p.m., NBA TV: Steph Curry and the Warriors are set to face the Suns' Big Three of Kevin Durant, Devin Booker and Bradley Beal. What to watch Sunday • NFL: It's Sunday, that says it all. Pittsburgh at Cincinnati, 1 p.m., CBS: Joe Burrow is having a great season for the Bengals, who are struggling in other areas. They need a win to stay in the playoff race, hosting a Steelers team that's 8-3 and won five of their past six. Bengals favored by 3. Arizona at Minnesota, 1 p.m., Fox: The Cardinals are tied for the top of the NFC West while the Vikings are 9-2 and have been one of the biggest surprises of the season with journeyman Sam Darnold under center. Vikings favored by 3 1/2. Philadelphia at Baltimore, 4:25 p.m., CBS: Two of the league's most electric players will be on the field when Saquon Barkley and the Eagles travel to face Lamar Jackson and the Ravens. Ravens favored by 3. San Francisco at Buffalo, 8:20 p.m. NBC/Peacock: The 49ers try to get back to .500 against the Bills, who have won six straight. Bills favored by 7. • NBA. The best teams in the Eastern Conference meet in a statement game. Boston at Cleveland, 6 p.m., NBA TV: The defending champion Celtics travel to face the Cavs, who won their first 15 games to start the season. • Premier League: English soccer fans have a marquee matchup. Manchester City at Liverpool, 11 a.m., USA Network/Telemundo. The two top teams meet with Manchester City trying to shake off recent struggles. • Auto Racing: The F1 season nears its conclusion. F1 Qatar Grand Prix, 11 a.m., ESPN2 – It's the penultimate race of the season. Max Verstappen already has clinched his fourth consecutive season championship.

By BIANCA VÁZQUEZ TONESS After weeks of fear and bewilderment about the drones buzzing over parts of New York and New Jersey , U.S. Senator Chuck Schumer is urging the federal government to deploy better drone-tracking technology to identify and ultimately stop the airborne pests. The New York Democrat is calling on the Department of Homeland Security to immediately deploy special technology that identifies and tracks drones back to their landing spots, according to briefings from his office. Schumer’s calls come amid growing public concern that the federal government hasn’t offered clear explanations as to who is operating the drones, and has not stopped them. National security officials have said the drones don’t appear to be a sign of foreign interference. “There’s a lot of us who are pretty frustrated right now,” said Rep. Jim Himes, D-Conn., the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, on Fox News Sunday. “The answer ‘We don’t know’ is not a good enough answer.” President-elect Donald Trump posted on social media last week: “Can this really be happening without our government’s knowledge? I don’t think so. Let the public know, and now. Otherwise, shoot them down.” Certain agencies within the Department of Homeland Security have the power to “incapacitate” drones, U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkas told ABC’s George Stephanopoulos on Sunday. “But we need those authorities expanded,” he said, without saying exactly how. The drones don’t appear to be linked to foreign governments, Mayorkas said. “We know of no foreign involvement with respect to the sightings in the Northeast. And we are vigilant in investigating this matter,” Mayorkas said. Last year, federal aviation rules began requiring certain drones to broadcast their identities. It’s not clear whether that information has been used to determine who is operating the drones swarming locations in New York and New Jersey. Mayorkas’ office didn’t immediately respond to questions about whether they’ve been able to identify drones using this capability. Schumer is calling for recently declassified radar technology to be used to help determine whether an object is a drone or a bird, identify its electronic registration, and follow it back to its landing place. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul on Sunday said federal officials were sending a drone detection system to the state. “This system will support state and federal law enforcement in their investigations,” Hochul said in a statement. The governor did not immediately provide additional details, including where the system will be deployed. Dozens of mysterious nighttime flights started last month over New Jersey, raising concerns among residents and officials. Part of the worry stems from the flying objects initially being spotted near the Picatinny Arsenal, a U.S. military research and manufacturing facility and over Trump’s golf course in Bedminster. Drones are legal in New Jersey for recreational and commercial use, but they are subject to local and Federal Aviation Administration regulations and flight restrictions. Operators must be FAA certified.

MLB Winter Meetings Notebook: Juan Soto, Roki Sasaki drive Day 1 chatter

Ally Louks could be considered the antithesis of “extremely online.” The low-key literature scholar is generally more focused on her research and supervising undergrads at Cambridge University than on growing her once-small social media following or posting on X more than a few times a year. But last week, the 26-year-old shared a happy photo and a breezy caption on X, unaware that her post - and the niche focus of her PhD thesis - would become a lightning rod in the sprawling culture war against elite institutions and the nebulous concept of “woke.” Louks had successfully defended her thesis months earlier, but the results were made official in late November when she decided to share a post celebrating an important final step in earning her PhD. She shared the photo of her smiling and hugging the bound volume of her research and wrote, “Thrilled to say I passed my viva with no corrections and am officially PhDone.” “Honestly, I mostly shared it just so that my colleagues in academia would know that I’m finished and open for [postdoctorate opportunities],” Louks told The Washington Post on Thursday. “I didn’t do it for any other reason than that, and I didn’t expect it to be seen by anyone outside of my close circle.” The attention to Louks’s thesis, both from people looking to read it and trash it, has had the singular effect of pushing her obscure academic research to a massive audience. Louks shared the abstract to her thesis, which has been viewed more than 8 million times on X. More than 600 people have contacted her through her university to request a preview to read her pre-published work. With her thesis still under embargo, Louks said it’s too early to know exactly what this sudden strike of social media interest will yield. “What I will say is that the 600 people in my inbox requesting my thesis doesn’t even scratch the surface of all of the people who have expressed interest in reading my [work],” Louks said. “I have thousands and thousands of people across loads of different platforms saying that they would love to read the thesis or anything that I write about it, so I think that can only bode well.” That rosy outlook wasn’t as clear in the days after Louks’s post jumped from her small circle of followers to the vast expanse of the internet. Immediately, the post started to draw more traction than Louks said she ever anticipated. A round of congratulations followed from people acknowledging the challenge of earning a PhD, and Louks’s even rarer achievement of defending a thesis without drawing corrections. Soon after, Louks began receiving a flood of replies from total strangers who were alternately intrigued and incensed by the subject of her research, titled “Olfactory ethics: The politics of smell in modern and contemporary prose.” Louks traced the moment that her replies flipped from positive to negative to when she noticed her post had been re-shared by a several right-wing accounts. A new crop of overwhelmingly hostile responses emerged. Critics denigrated Louks’s intelligence, called her work “pretentious” and lobbed sexist digs about the worthlessness of a woman burnishing academic credentials rather than having babies. A common thread in the criticism, almost entirely from men, argued Louks’s research topic was too “woke,” and somehow made society worse off. While Louks took the unprovoked backlash via social media in stride, one man tracked down her personal email address (“it’s not freely available online,” she notes) to threaten her with gang rape. “I felt that was so severely inappropriate that it needed to be reported,” Louks said. The experience has been at times bewildering, even as Louks is keenly aware of the social media hive-mind and of the culture of misogyny that is especially intense for high-achieving women. She also understands that her thesis will be misinterpreted, especially since no one apart from her advisers and a few friends has read it in its entirety while it remans under embargo. The thesis itself looks at how the importance of smell is represented in modern literature, and more specifically how literary works invoke smell to communicate attitudes of desire and disgust, Louks said. An example is the notion of “funk,” which Louks said she briefly mentions in her paper, which invokes a smell with different varying interpretations. “It can mean both: a kind of negative smell, but also a sense of coolness,” Louks said, noting how “funk” conjures different ideas when, for instance, associated with Black communities. “I really don’t feel that my work is above criticism,” Louks said. “It’s just that the criticisms levied at me were not based in reality.” With her PhD secured, Louks said she is looking ahead to her graduation ceremony next year, as well as writing a book proposal and articles on her research more suitable for a nonacademic audience. She may pursue a postdoctorate program, but at the moment is still marveling at how the random lightning strike of social media fame ultimately exposed her work to a far bigger audience than she could have ever imagined. Alex Zawacki, a fellow academic who lectures on medieval history at the University of Göttingen in Germany, summed up Louks’s achievement with a post on X: “Congratulations both for finishing and for very possibly being the first person in recorded history whose dissertation will be read by someone who is not their mom or on their committee.” Related Content


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