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The summer of 1979 featured disco in the nightclubs, “Saturday Night Fever” on the radio, and long lines at the gas pumps, where prices were high and supply was short. High unemployment, inflation and the energy crisis engendered by foreign oil producers crippled the country. The 444 days of the crisis when a newly revolutionary Iran took and held American hostages, coupled with the deaths of eight servicemen in a botched rescue attempt, had begun. In 1980, Russia invaded Afghanistan, and the U.S. response was a boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics. Confidence in the American way of life waned and convinced many Americans that the man in the White House, Jimmy Carter, was inept, unlucky or both. His approval rating plummeted to a record low as a recession and a growing perception of weakness took hold. It was a crushing blow to an administration that began with promise and optimism. “The tragedy of Jimmy Carter is that his fourth year was disastrous,” Robert A. Pastor told The Atlanta Journal-Constitution. He was a Carter adviser and professor of international relations at American University before his death in 2014. “The number of setbacks that occurred ultimately set the stage for his defeat and has colored the way people look at Jimmy Carter,” said Pastor. “And it has prevented them from appreciating what he did do.” Carter rose from relative obscurity to the presidency in two years, with the help of his family and the Peanut Brigade, friends from Georgia who knocked on hundreds of thousands of doors across the U.S. to vouch for him face-to-face with Americans. He offered “a government as honest as the people,” after the national embarrassment of President Richard Nixon and the Watergate scandal. Carter’s first three years in office yielded “extraordinary accomplishments,” Pastor says. The president brokered the Camp David Accords, a peace agreement between Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and Egyptian Prime Minister Anwar Sadat. That led to the two foreign leaders winning the 1978 Nobel Peace Prize. He normalized relations with China and made human rights a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy. Carter signed the Panama Canal treaty, established the departments of energy and education, and vastly expanded national parks and recreation areas and preserves, including the Chattahoochee River National Recreation Area — one of metro Atlanta’s favorite green spaces. Carter — as a Democrat — deregulated airlines, transportation, financial institutions and lifted sanctions on actions such as the home brewing of beer, which eventually led to America’s craft-brewing boom. Definitively, he cut oil imports by half in an effort to free the nation from energy dependence on foreign nations. That dependence had become frighteningly clear from an oil embargo by OPEC nations, which had jacked up fuel costs, caused shortages and hamstrung a faltering economy. Carter tried to address the economic and other problems in what came to be known as the “malaise” speech, even though he never uttered that word. His fifth major address on the energy crisis, the speech was complex, preachy and prescient. The speech was well received until, as historian Douglas Brinkley noted in a PBS documentary, “it boomeranged on him” with a series of following events. In the speech, he asked American’s to return to their roots of optimism and faith in democracy and each other. He described an erosion in trust among neighbors and a gridlocked government beholden to special interests as a “crisis of confidence.” “In a nation that was proud of hard work, strong families, close-knit communities, and our faith in God, too many of us now tend to worship self-indulgence and consumption,” he said. “Human identity is no longer defined by what one does, but by what one owns. But we’ve discovered that owning things and consuming things does not satisfy our longing for meaning. We’ve learned that piling up material goods cannot fill the emptiness of lives which have no confidence or purpose.” Carter urged a new age of limits and sacrifice. “The solution of our energy crisis can also help us to conquer the crisis of the spirit in our country,” he said. To some, it came across as more of a sermon from the life-long Baptist Sunday school teacher than a presidential address. A week later, Carter asked his entire Cabinet to resign, a poorly managed house-cleaning that suggested the White House was falling apart. Many came to believe that Carter — not the loss of vision and hope by the American people — was the problem. As the economy’s fluttering drift continued, the former Navy engineer was criticized as being a micro-manager and more interested in the process of setting up policy than he was in producing effective ones. He had to fend off attacks of being too much of a D.C. outsider to get much done inside the Beltway, and he suffered other inside attacks for being too conservative for the liberal wing of his party. And when he ran for reelection, he was challenged in his own Democratic primary by U.S. Sen. Ted Kennedy, which made matters worse. A year later, Ronald Reagan defeated Carter in a landslide. Carter returned to Plains to lick his wounds and begin the long work that 24 years later would earn him the Nobel Peace Prize. Carter admitted his mistakes as president three decades after leaving the White House, but said he didn’t regret what he did. “I never have felt discouraged or disappointed when I look back at those four years,” he told TV interviewer Charlie Rose during a media tour in 2010 to promote his book “White House Diary.” To “60 Minutes” reporter Lesley Stahl he said, “I think I was identified as a failed president because I wasn’t reelected.” Carter told interviewers that his proudest achievement was that “all the hostages in Iran came home alive.” They were released moments after Reagan took the oath of office. If he could do anything differently, he has said, he would have sent one more helicopter in an attempt to rescue the hostages. Three of the eight helicopters failed, causing the mission to abort. The botched rescue further entrenched his perception of ineptitude. He was tagged as weak “because I didn’t bomb Iran,” he told Rose. His biggest mistake? “Not becoming a trusted and supported leader of the Democratic party,” he told Rose. “I ran as an outsider,” he recalled. “I rode the wave of dissatisfaction with the government.” “Americans were discouraged and embarrassed,” as he ran for president, he told Rose. The Vietnam War had just ended, Richard Nixon had resigned the presidency after Watergate. The country had witnessed the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr. Americans were cynical and deeply distrustful of government. “I capitalized on the displeasure of the American people,” he said. But as president, he also pursued an aggressive agenda to right the ship that confused voters and alienated lawmakers. He had big and futuristic ideas, but some analysts said he struggled to explain those to voters in ways that resonated with them. Reagan took office, welcomed home the U.S. hostages from Iran, and removed the solar panels that Carter had installed on the roof of the White House. Carter went on after his presidency to establish a continuing life on the world stage through his work at the Carter Center, eradicating diseases, brokering peace between warring nations, ending hunger, fighting for the environment and human rights without the constraints of having to answer to a voters, a political party or Congress. He and his wife Rosalynn, blessed with long lives, persisted in the work for more than 40 years. Rosalynn Carter died at age 96 on Nov. 19, 2023. The former president died at age 100 on Dec. 29, 2024. In his book “Sources of Strength” he wrote that one should not concentrate on the number of years one might have left, “at best, life is short, and its duration is unpredictable.” Instead, he wrote, use whatever time you have to make life meaningful. “I feel at ease with history,” he told a USA Today interviewer in 1986. “I feel that our record will stand the test of time.” ©2024 The Atlanta Journal-Constitution. Visit at ajc.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
CHICAGO (AP) — Cairo Santos had a field goal blocked — again. DeAndre Carter muffed a punt in the second half. And those were just the special teams mistakes for the struggling Chicago Bears. Santos' blocked field goal and Carter's turnover were part of another sloppy performance for Chicago in its fifth consecutive loss. The pair of miscues helped set up two of Minnesota's three touchdowns in a 30-27 overtime victory . The Bears (4-7) closed out a miserable three-game homestand after they won their first three games of the season at Soldier Field. They were in position to beat Green Bay last weekend before Santos' 46-yard field goal attempt was blocked on the final play of the Packers' 20-19 win . “It’s tough. ... When things just aren’t going your way, you gotta put your head down and just keep going to work,” tight end Cole Kmet said. “It’s not easy to do but that’s kind of where we’re at.” Chicago and Minnesota were tied at 7 when Caleb Williams threw incomplete on third-and-4 at the Vikings 30 early in the second quarter. Bears coach Matt Eberflus sent Santos out for a 48-yard attempt, but it was knocked down by defensive lineman Jerry Tillery. “I think it was the penetration with the trajectory of the ball,” Santos said. “Had the ball started 3 or 4 inches to the right of both those guys' hands, I think it still goes in through the uprights.” Brian Asamoah returned the blocked kick 22 yards to set the Vikings up with good field position. Sam Darnold then capped a six-play, 53-yard drive with a 5-yard TD pass to Jalen Nailor for a 14-7 lead with 6:29 left in the first half. It was the third blocked field goal for Santos this year, the most for Chicago in a single season since it also had three blocked in 2012. Santos also had a 43-yard try blocked in the fourth quarter of a 35-16 victory over Jacksonville on Oct. 13. The Bears became the first NFL team to allow three blocked field goals in a season since the Browns and Ravens each had three blocked in 2022. “Whenever that happens two games in a row we’ve got to make sure we take a hard look in terms of the protection, the technique and who we have in there,” Eberflus said. “So it's going to be a big thing to look at.” Chicago trailed 17-10 when it forced a Minnesota punt midway through the third quarter. Carter warned his teammates to get out of the way, but it hit the ground and bounced off the inside of his right leg before it was recovered by Bo Richter at the Bears 15. The Vikings turned the mental error into Aaron Jones' 2-yard touchdown run and a 24-10 lead. “Gotta get out of the way of the ball. That’s on me,” Carter said. “I let the team down today. Game shouldn’t have been in the situation it was in. I felt bad for the guys.” Santos and Carter both played a role in a late rally for Chicago. Carter had a 55-yard kickoff return, and Santos got an onside kick to work before making a tying 48-yarder on the final play of regulation. But the Bears stalled on the first possession of overtime, and Darnold drove the Vikings downfield to set up Parker Romo's winning 29-yard field goal. “We're losing in the most unreal situations,” Bears receiver DJ Moore said. “Now it's like the luck's got to go in our favor at some point.” AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/NFLMIAMI GARDENS, Fla. (AP) — Dolphins quarterback Tua Tagovailoa led the NFL in passing yards in 2023, and he has been just as sharp for much of this season. But on Wednesday, Tagovailoa shouldered a share of the blame for what he called a surprising 5-7 start, saying his month-long stint on injured reserve with a concussion played a huge part in the way this season has unfolded. “I don’t think that (record) shows the character of who we are as a team,” Tagovailoa said. "It doesn’t show the work that we’ve put in this offseason together. “Nobody else will say it but me, and I feel like this has a lot to do with myself, obviously putting myself in harm’s way in the second game, going down and basically leaving my guys out to dry ... I do take heart to that as well and don’t want to do that to my guys again.” The Dolphins looked like they were returning to last season's form during a recent three-game winning streak, but questions about Miami's toughness resurfaced after a poor performance at frigid Lambeau Field last Thursday, when the temperature at kickoff was around 27 degrees. Miami missed 20 tackles, per Next Gen Stats, and allowed 114 yards on the ground while only rushing for 39 yards. Tagovailoa was sacked five times. The Dolphins have lost their past 12 regular-season or postseason games in which the temperature at kickoff was 40 degrees or lower, with more potential cold weather games coming up at Houston, Cleveland and the New York Jets later this season. Miami was 4-10 in games played in December or later in the past two seasons. “Collectively you’ve got to all have that same mindset,” Tagovailoa said of Miami's toughness. “That’s why we have team football, that’s why you’re in team sports. I think you’ve got to look at it as, are you mentally tough and are you physically tough? They have to go hand in hand. If one of those things has a kink in it, it could go one way or the other.” A few weeks after former Dolphins safety DeShon Elliott said the Dolphins were “soft” when he played there, linebacker Jordyn Brooks criticized his team's toughness after losing to Green Bay. “I feel like we let the elements control the way we played,” Brooks said after the 30-17 loss. “As a group, I thought we were soft. Simple as that.” Coach Mike McDaniel said he expects all kinds of criticisms to come when the team fails to reach expectations, but added that he uses the game tape to measure toughness. “If I have an example of weak-mindedness or situations where a guy is turning something down or how he’s loafing because of a result, those are things I can coach,” McDaniel said. McDaniel added he didn't see anything on the tape to suggest players weren't giving full effort, but he did see many instances of missed tackles because of straining and poor technique — not bringing their feet through the tackle — which got worse as the game went on. He also said players would have insisted he bench teammates if they were “loafing” or turning down assignments, which he indicated didn't happen. “I'm very aware that the narrative exists," McDaniel said, "and with absolute certainty, I know that the narrative will exist unless it changes. There’s one way to change it. And that’s winning a game against the New York Jets. "And you know what? People still might not call you tough. Cool. I take it very serious as a head coach to be responsible for things that can help to be accountable and to bring forth information that’s actually helpful, not finger pointing." Some Dolphins players disagreed with the notion the team isn't tough enough. “I guess we’ve got to prove it wrong," said defensive tackle Zach Sieler. “If people think that, we’ve got to go out there and beat it. I don’t think that’s the case. I think we play physically up front. I think we play physically all around. I think we’ve got to make sure we’re showing that on Sunday.” Miami placed backup cornerback Cam Smith on injured reserve after he dislocated his shoulder against Green Bay. The Dolphins also signed tackle Jackson Carman off the practice squad and signed cornerback Jason Maitre to the practice squad. ... Edge rushers Bradley Chubb and Cameron Goode practiced Wednesday for the first time this season, and McDaniel didn't rule out the possibility of one or both of them playing on Sunday. Chubb tore the anterior cruciate ligament in his right knee in Week 17 last season, and Goode ruptured a patella tendon in the season finale. AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/NFLBy BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter’s closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
Special teams miscues prove costly for Bears in overtime loss to Vikings
Ruben Amorim bemoans media spotlight as Manchester United boss claims he has done more interviews since Old Trafford arrival than his FOUR years as Sporting managerWASHINGTON: Several members of Donald Trump's incoming United States administration have received threats including bomb alerts, the FBI said on Wednesday (Nov 27), with one nominee reporting a pipe bomb scare sent with a pro-Palestinian message. The President-elect's picks for United Nations ambassador and head of the Environmental Protection Agency, as well as his former choice to be US attorney general, said they were among those who had received the threats. "The FBI is aware of numerous bomb threats and swatting incidents targeting incoming administration nominees and appointees, and we are working with our law enforcement partners," the agency said in a statement. Swatting refers to the practice in which police are summoned urgently to someone's house under false pretences. Such hoax calls are common in the US and have seen numerous senior political figures targeted in recent years. Karoline Leavitt, a spokeswoman for Trump's transition team, earlier said that several appointees and nominees "were targeted in violent, unAmerican threats to their lives and those who live with them". Outgoing President Joe Biden "has been briefed" on the threats, the White House said. "The White House is in touch with federal law enforcement and the President-elect's team, and continues to monitor the situation closely," a spokesperson said in a statement. "The president and the administration unequivocally condemn threats of political violence." Biden has vowed a smooth and peaceful presidential transition - in contrast to when Trump riled a mob that attacked the US Capitol in January 2021 with false claims of election fraud. "PRO-PALESTINIAN" Elise Stefanik, a Trump loyalist congresswoman tapped to be UN ambassador, said her residence in New York was targeted in a bomb threat. She said in a statement that she, her husband, and her small son were driving home from Washington for the Thanksgiving holiday when they learned of the threat. Lee Zeldin, Trump's pick to lead the Environmental Protection Agency, said his home was targeted with a pipe bomb threat sent with a "pro-Palestinian themed message". The former congressman from New York said he and his family were not home at the time. Matt Gaetz, who dropped out as Trump's pick to be attorney general after facing opposition over sexual misconduct allegations, reposted Zeldin's message on X and said: "Same". Scott Turner, the nomine for Housing Secretary and a retired NFL player, and Trump's pick for Labor Secretary, meanwhile also said they had also received bomb threats at their homes. Fox News Digital quoted unidentified sources saying that John Ratcliffe, Trump's nominee to head the CIA, and Pete Hegseth, the defence secretary pick, were also targeted. Ahead of his return to the House in January, Trump has already swiftly assembled a cabinet of loyalists , including several criticised for a severe lack of experience. The Republican, who appears set to avoid trial on criminal prosecutions related to attempts to overturn his 2020 election loss, was wounded in the ear in July in an assassination attempt during a campaign rally. The shooter was killed in a counter-fire. In September, authorities arrested another man accused of planning to shoot at Trump while he played golf at his course in West Palm Beach, Florida. Leavitt appeared to reference the previous incidents, saying that "with President Trump as our example, dangerous acts of intimidation and violence will not deter us".
NoneBreaking News Don't miss out on the headlines from Breaking News. Followed categories will be added to My News. Anthony Albanese splashed out $62,000 on flowers and a musical performance for world leaders at a summit in Melbourne earlier this year. Documents supplied to the federal opposition through freedom of information requests show the Prime Minister’s office spent $18,000 on the flowers and $44,000 for singer Jess Mauboy. The major event was a dinner at the 50-year ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) summit, which brought together 11 prime ministers, presidents and sultans in Melbourne in March. Australia is not a member of ASEAN, rather a “comprehensive strategic partner”. The 50-year ASEAN special summit was held in Melbourne in March. Picture: NewsWire / David Crosling Opposition waste spokesman James Stevens said the floral expense was “remarkable and insulting” amid cost-of-living pressures. “Albo’s flower power has cost taxpayers more than $60,000 in the middle of a cost-of-living crisis,” Mr Stevens said in a statement. “Unfortunately, this is just another example of our Prime Minister enjoying himself at the taxpayer’s expense.” The Prime Minister’s office says the expenditure was in line with similar events, including the 2018 ASEAN conference. Jessica Mauboy took to the stage, being paid a cool $44,000. Picture: Instagram Mr Albanese’s office also said two-way trade between Australia and the ASEAN nations totalled $183.4bn last year. The documents show the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet spent $18,513 on floral arrangements for the leaders and spouses’ dinner at the conference, including a $7000 12m dining table centrepiece. ARIA-winner Mauboy was also paid $44,000 of taxpayer money to perform. “What an honour it was to perform at the reception for the ASEAN-Australia Special Summit 2024 in Melbourne this week,” she posted on social media at the time. The 10 ASEAN nation leaders, plus Anthony Albanese and the ASEAN secretary-general were treated to a $44,000 performance. Picture: Supplied “Thank you so much for having me.” In a statement, the Prime Minister’s office said the summit was a “major event commemorating 50 years of our relations with ASEAN” and pointed to the economic value of Australian trade within ASEAN nations. “All procurement related to the summit was undertaken in accordance with Commonwealth procurement rules,” the statement read. “Expenditure on the summit was in line with similar-sized events, including the 2018 ASEAN-Australia Special Summit in Sydney.” Separate publicly available tender documents show hiring the National Gallery of Victoria cost more than $41,000, plus $13,600 for food and drinks. More Coverage ‘Exactly right’: Albo’s tongue-in-cheek remark Blair Jackson ‘97 times’: Albo’s reminder of broken promise Blair Jackson Originally published as Anthony Albanese treats world leaders to $60k worth of flowers and entertainment Read related topics: Anthony Albanese More related stories Hockey Olympic great calls time on career A five-time Olympian has made his final appearance for the Kookaburras after announcing his international retirement. Read more Breaking News Australia-Israel relationship at ‘lowest ebb’ Australia’s relationship with Israel is at its “lowest ebb in decades” after a controversial former Israeli minister was refused entry. Read more
Kylian Mbappé scored and Real Madrid moved within four points of Spanish league leader Barcelona with a 3-0 win at Leganes on Sunday ahead of its eagerly awaited Champions League match against Liverpool. Federico Valverde and Jude Bellingham also scored to close the gap on Barcelona, which conceded two late goals in a 2-2 draw at Celta Vigo on Saturday. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings. Get any of our free email newsletters — news headlines, obituaries, sports, and more.Gold Flora Reports on Voting Results from a Special Meeting of Stockholders
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Kamala Harris campaign aides make bombshell confession about internal polls against TrumpEnzo Maresca savoured chants of ‘we’ve got our Chelsea back’ from travelling fans following a 5-1 Premier League thrashing of 10-man Southampton at St Mary’s. Blues supporters also sang the name of head coach Maresca during the closing stages of an emphatic success sealed by goals from Axel Disasi, Christopher Nkunku, Noni Madueke, Cole Palmer and substitute Jadon Sancho. Bottom club Southampton briefly levelled through Joe Aribo but were a man down from the 39th minute after captain Jack Stephens was sent off for pulling the hair of Marc Cucurella. Chelsea, who have endured an underwhelming period since Todd Boehly’s consortium bought the club in 2022, climbed above Arsenal and into second place on goal difference, seven points behind leaders Liverpool. “It was a very good feeling, especially because you can see that they are happy, that is our target,” Maresca said of the atmosphere in the away end. “We work every day to keep them happy and tonight was a very good feeling, especially the one that they can see that Chelsea’s back. This is an important thing.” Maresca rotated his squad in Hampshire, making seven changes following Sunday’s impressive 3-0 win over Aston Villa. Following a sloppy start, his side, who stretched their unbeaten run to six top-flight games, could easily have won by more as they hit the woodwork three times, in addition to squandering a host of chances. “I’m very happy with the five we scored,” said the Italian. “I’m not happy with the first 15, 20 minutes, where we struggled. The reason why we struggled is because we prepared the game to press them man to man and the first 15, 20 minutes we were not pressing them man to man. “After 15, 20 minutes we adjust that and the game was much better. For sure we could score more but five goals they are enough.” Southampton manager Russell Martin rued a costly “moment of madness” from skipper Stephens. The defender’s ridiculous red card was the headline mistake of a catalogue of errors from the beleaguered south-coast club as they slipped seven points from safety following an 11th defeat of a dismal season. “I don’t think anyone will be as disappointed as Jack,” Martin said of Stephens, who was sent off for the second time this term after tugging the curls of Cucurella as Saints prepared to take a corner. “I haven’t got to sit down and talk with him about that at all. He will be hurt more than anyone and it’s changed the game for us tonight, which is disappointing. “I think they have to describe it as violent conduct; it’s not violent really but there’s no other explanation for that really. It’s a moment of madness that’s really cost us and Jack.” Southampton repeatedly invited pressure with their risky attempts to play out from defence, with goalkeeper Joe Lumley gifting Chelsea their second goal, scored by Nkunku. While Saints were booed off at full-time, Martin, who was missing a host of key players due to injuries and suspensions, praised the effort of his depleted team. “When they see such a big scoreline and a couple of the goals we concede, I understand it (the jeers),” he said. “It’s football, it’s emotive, people feel so much about it, it’s why it’s such a special sport in this country and so big. “I understand it but I feel really proud of the players tonight, some of the football we played at 11 v 11 was amazing. “For an hour with 10 men we’ve dug in so deep, there were some big performances. I’m proud of them for that and I’m grateful for that because that’s not easy in that circumstance.”PETER VAN ONSELEN: The rot at the core of Team Albo has been exposed by these shady last minute acts - including a startling admission about the misinformation bill