By BILL BARROW, Associated Press ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.
Jon Coupal: The Gann Limit is back in the news
4 Tennis Stars Who Attended the Abu Dhabi GP Ft. Aryna SabalenkaOlivia Olson scored 18 points, including eight straight to open the fourth quarter, as the No. 23 Michigan Wolverines survived a 60-54 scare from the Northwestern Wildcats in the Big Ten opener for each team in Ann Arbor, Mich. Northwestern (4-4, 0-1 Big Ten) led throughout the third quarter and took a four-point lead into the fourth, but Olson capped her 8-0 burst with a 3-pointer, and Syla Swords also nailed a trey to put the Wolverines (8-1, 1-0) ahead 50-44. Michigan has won eight straight games since opening the season with a six-point loss to then-No. 1 South Carolina. Caileigh Walsh's 3-pointer put the Wildcats back in front 53-52 with 3:36 to go. Michigan responded by scoring eight of the game's last nine points, six by Jordan Hobbs. Hobbs finished with 16 points and teammate Mila Holloway had 10. Kyla Jones led Northwestern with 14 points and Walsh notched 10 before fouling out. No. 4 Texas 93, James Madison 62 Madison Booker, Jordan Lee and Rori Harmon dominated the first half as the Longhorns clobbered the host Dukes in Harrisonburg, Va. Booker scored 21 points, Lee added 20 and Harmon 19 by combining on 25-of-33 shooting. They had 49 of their points in the first half as Texas (7-1) piled up a 58-29 halftime lead. The Longhorns, who entered seventh in the nation in scoring at 90 points per game, shot 54 percent for the game to 40 percent for the Dukes. Roshala Scott led James Madison (7-3) with 22 points and Peyton McDaniel and Ashanti Barnes had 12 apiece. McDaniel added eight rebounds for the Dukes, who had 24 turnovers. No. 10 Notre Dame 93, Syracuse 62 The Fighting Irish pulled away from a seven-point halftime lead to demolish the host Orange in the ACC opener for both schools. The trio of Sonia Citron, Hannah Hidalgo and Olivia Miles led Notre Dame's win with double-doubles. Citron had 25 points and 11 rebounds, Hidalgo racked up 24 and 10, respectively, and Miles shone with 20 points, 10 rebounds and eight assists. Hidalgo, third in Division I in scoring (24.6 ppg), netted nine points and Citron had eight in the third quarter, as Notre Dame (7-2, 1-0 ACC) outscored Syracuse (4-6, 0-1) 29-13 to pull away. Keira Scott posted 16 points and Sophie Burrows tacked on 13 for the Orange, who shot only 32.5 percent. The Irish shot 50 percent and thrived despite 20 turnovers. No. 16 North Carolina 72, Coppin State 46 The Tar Heels built a comfortable halftime lead and used its bench players freely in devouring the Eagles in Chapel Hill, N.C. North Carolina (9-1) entered second-best in the nation in scoring defense at 49.1 points per game and excelled again, holding Coppin State to 27.3 percent shooting. Meanwhile, the Tar Heels shot 44.4 percent while having 12 players enter the scoring column, led by Maria Gakdeng's 10 points on 5-of-6 shooting. Reniya Kelly scored six of her eight points in the first quarter as North Carolina took a 23-13 lead. The Tar Heels grew the lead to 46-27 by intermission. Tiffany Hammond and Angel Jones scored 12 points apiece for Coppin State (6-5), and Laila Lawrence added 10 points with 10 rebounds. No. 18 Ole Miss 85, Tennessee State 38 The Rebels had more points by halftime than the Lady Tigers scored in the game after jumping out to a 14-2 lead in the first quarter and 44-19 by intermission. Kennedy Todd-Williams led Ole Miss (6-3) with 15 points and seven rebounds, and Sira Thienou added 12 and six, respectively. The Rebels shot 46 percent for the game. Ole Miss began the day seventh in the nation in scoring defense at 49.8 points allowed per game, and it punished Tennessee State to the tune of 23.6 percent shooting and 22 forced turnovers. XaiOnna Whitfield led the Lady Tigers (4-6) with 10 points. No. 20 Iowa State 82, Central Michigan 56 Audi Crooks scored 19 points on 9-of-12 shooting and added 10 rebounds as the Cyclones slammed the Chippewas in Ames, Iowa. Emily Ryan netted 10 of her 12 points in the first quarter and Crooks scored nine in the period as Iowa State (8-2) jumped out to a 31-13 lead and enjoyed a cushion of at least 18 points the rest of the way. Addy Brown added 18 points for the Cyclones, who shot 52.5 percent and rolled despite having 20 turnovers. Jayda Mosley led Central Michigan (3-6) with 11 points and Madi Morson and Ayanna-Sarai Darrington added 10 apiece. The Chippewas shot only 33.3 percent from the floor and had 26 turnovers. No. 24 Michigan State 89, DePaul 61 The unbeaten Spartans put four scorers in double figures as they systematically disposed of the Blue Demons in East Lansing, Mich. Jaddan Simmons finished with 18 points, five rebounds and five assists, and Julia Ayrault stuffed the stat sheet with 17 points, 12 rebounds, five assists and three steals for Michigan State (9-0). Emma Shumate and Jocelyn Tate had 12 and 10 points, respectively. Jorie Allen put up 15 points, 11 boards, seven assists and three steals and Grace Carstensen also notched 15 points for DePaul (3-7), which shot just 28.8 percent despite hitting 9 of 18 of its 3-point attempts. The Spartans led by seven after one quarter and 17 at halftime before coasting through the second half. No. 25 Nebraska 84, Minnesota 65 Strong first quarters by Callin Hake and Amiah Hargrove sent the Cornhuskers on their way to pinning the first loss on the Golden Gophers in the Big Ten Conference opener for each team. Hake scored eight of her 11 points in the first period and Hargrove eight of her 10 as Nebraska (8-1, 1-0 Big Ten) seized a 27-11 lead and never looked back. Hargrove scored eight of the Cornhuskers' 10 straight points to end the quarter. Alberte Rimdal led the winners with 12 points and Alexis Markowski added 11 with nine rebounds. Mallory Heyer collected 12 points and eight rebounds for Minnesota (10-1, 0-1). Tori McKinney scored 11 points and Grace Crocholski and Alexsia Rose 10 apiece, but the Golden Gophers hit just 35.2 percent of their shots. --Field Level MediaNo. 24 Arizona is coming off consecutive defeats for the first time in the Tommy Lloyd era when it faces undefeated Davidson on Wednesday to begin the Battle 4 Atlantis in Paradise Island, Bahamas. Arizona (2-2) lost at Wisconsin 103-88 on Nov. 15 and followed that with a home loss against Duke 69-55 on Friday. The Wildcats have dropped 15 spots in the Associated Press Top 25 poll in two weeks. Arizona's record is .500 this early in a season for the first time since it was 3-3 to start the 2017-18 schedule. "I've got work to do, so let's get to work," said Lloyd, in his fourth year as Arizona's head coach. "Let's see where we're at in a month, and if we're still struggling, you know what I'll do? I still got work to do, but I'm gonna get to it." Arizona shot 39.6 percent from the field against Duke, and just 26.1 percent (6 of 23) from 3-point range. The Wildcats were outrebounded by 43-30 and their 15 turnovers led to 19 points. Jaden Bradley led Arizona with 18 points and KJ Lewis added 12. Preseason All-American Caleb Love had eight points on 3-of-13 shooting from the field, including 1-of-9 from 3-point range. Arizona made only one field goal in the last 5:39 as Duke pulled away after its lead was trimmed to six points. "We didn't play great," Lloyd said. "Now we need to take a step back and figure out why. Are there some schematic problems? Are there some problems with how our personnel is kind of put together? "We got to figure out what our certainties are, and the things we have to have, and then over the course of the next couple of days, if there's adjustments we need to make, we need to figure out what those are." Davidson is 4-0 after a 15-17 record last season, in which it lost its last six games to put an end to postseason hopes. A 93-66 win over visiting VMI on Friday followed a 91-85 win at Bowling Green and 76-70 victory over visiting East Tennessee State. The two wins by 10 points or fewer are important because Davidson was 6-12 in such games last season. It was 4-11 in games decided by five points or fewer. "The goal (is) to get better," Davidson head coach Matt McKillop said after the season opener. "We talk about fighting to win every possession. I think we had to figure out what that really felt like with the lights on." Davidson made 13 shots from 3-point range in the win over VMI. Reed Bailey had 23 points, eight rebounds and six assists. Bobby Durkin added 19 points, including 17 of them and a career-best five 3-pointers in the first half. Bailey leads Davidson in scoring (19 points per game) and rebounding (7.8). Durkin is shooting 57.9 percent (22 of 38) from the field and 54.2 percent (13 of 24) from 3-point range. By contrast, Arizona's Love is shooting 32 percent (16 of 50) from the field and 21.4 percent (6 of 28) from beyond the arc. Bradley leads Arizona with 15.5 points per game. He is shooting 50 percent (24 of 48) from the field and is 35.7 percent (5 of 14) from 3-point range. --Field Level Media
A Media Looking for Mistakes Portrayed Jimmy Carter as a Failure. It’s Time to Look Deeper
Mumbai: The BMC's ambitious project to concretise roads in Mumbai has faced setbacks due to substandard work at some locations. The complaints regarding poor construction quality have prompted civic authorities to order an inquiry and a detailed report on all the work under the project. Based on the findings, appropriate corrective measures will be taken to ensure that the construction meets the required quality standards. Bhushan Gagrani, the municipal commissioner, stated, "The audit of concrete roads currently underway in the city will be conducted by the Indian Institute of Technology - Bombay (IIT-B) and the internal department." This decision was made following complaints regarding poor construction quality at certain locations. According to sources, the audit will evaluate the quality of materials used, adherence to construction standards, and the overall execution process. The inspection will focus on identifying defects such as cracks, uneven surfaces, or poor finishing, which are often signs of substandard work. A senior civic official said, "The concerned contractor, engineer, and consultant will be held responsible if the road work is found to be of inferior quality." This comes after Mumbai BJP president and MLA Ashish Shelar called for an audit of road work following the discovery of visible cracks on Bhargav Road in Santacruz, which was constructed last year. The civic officials, along with a team from the IIT-B, conducted an inspection of the roads in Dahisar on December 12. The BMC have appointed IIT-B as an independent quality control agency for the ongoing cement concretisation work in Mumbai. IIT-B will be providing recommendations on road maintenance, conducting inspections, reviewing quality standards, performing tests, and preparing audit reports. In Phase 1, the BMC has completed only 46 km of the planned 324 km of concretisation within a year. Currently, work is ongoing on 213 roads, with 298 roads yet to be concretised. In Phase 2, of the 1,420 roads scheduled for concretisation, 433 are currently under construction, with many still pending. These delays have hindered the BMC's ambitious goal of creating a pothole-free Mumbai.
CHAMPAIGN, Ill. (AP) — Will Riley scored his 19 points in the second half and No. 25 Illinois beat Maryland Eastern Shore 87-40 on Saturday. Kylan Boswell added 13 points, Tomislav Ivisic had 11 and Morez Johnson Jr. finished with 10 points and 13 rebounds for the Illini (4-1), who shot 25% (10 for 40) from 3-point range but committed just nine turnovers. Tre White grabbed 11 rebounds and Kasparas Jakucionis seven for Illinois, which outrebounded the Hawks 59-38. Jalen Ware scored 10 points and Christopher Flippin had 10 rebounds for Maryland Eastern Shore (2-6), which had its lowest point total of the season. The team's previous low came in 102-63 loss to Vanderbilt on Nov. 4. Illinois is unbeaten in four home games. Maryland Eastern Shore is winless in six road games. Illinois: Coming off a 100-87 loss Wednesday to No. 8 Alabama, the Illini had no trouble dominating the overmatched Hawks. They led 35-15 at halftime and extended the lead to as many as 52 points in the second half. Maryland Eastern Shore: The Hawks couldn’t match Illinois’ height and depth and were slowed by 15 turnovers. After struggling at the start of the game, the Illini went on a 17-0 run over a seven-minute stretch to move in front 25-8 with 5:15 to go in the first half. Maryland Eastern Shore struggled from the field, shooting 22% (15 for 68), including 5 for 20 on 3-pointers. Illinois hosts Little Rock on Monday. Maryland Eastern Shore plays at No. 20 Arkansas on Monday. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college basketball: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-basketball-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-basketball
The Analyst Verdict: Rigetti Computing In The Eyes Of 5 ExpertsBy BILL BARROW, Associated Press ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.
The AP Top 25 men’s college basketball poll is back every week throughout the season! Get the poll delivered straight to your inbox with AP Top 25 Poll Alerts. Sign up here . HUNTSVILLE, Ala. (AP) — Trey Fort had 27 points in Samford’s 97-90 win against Alabama A&M on Saturday night. Fort added five rebounds for the Bulldogs (10-3). Collin Holloway shot 4 of 5 from the field and 6 of 6 from the free-throw line to add 16 points. Julian Brown shot 4 for 5 (3 for 4 from 3-point range) and 3 of 3 from the free-throw line to finish with 14 points. The Bulldogs (4-8) were led by Anthony Bryant, who recorded 22 points. Alabama A&M also got 21 points and 10 assists from Bilal Abdur-Rahman. Quincy McGriff also had 13 points. ___ The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .
Amie Just: Could the Big 12 be left out of CFP? And, is Ohio State better than Oregon?One of Donald Trump's latest actions shows that one of his closest allies doesn't have the influence over the president-elect that some thought, according to a new report. Elon Musk is the richest man in the world and he poured millions of dollars into efforts to get the former and incoming president elected, but he doesn't have unlimited sway over Trump's actions, Business Insider reported. Trump recently nominated hedge fund manager Scott Bessent to be his Treasury secretary, but Musk had spoken out against this exact same notion . ALSO READ: The America-attacking Trump is coming for our military — and then he's coming for us John L. Dorman, a senior politics reporter at Business Insider, wrote on Saturday that Musk "has become one of Donald Trump's strongest political allies." But that relationship was recently tested, according to Dorman. "There seems, however, at least for now, some limit to Musk's influence on Trump," the report states. "Bessent, a Wall Street veteran and a top economic advisor to Trump, emerged as a favorite of the president-elect while on the campaign trail this year. Last Saturday, however, before Trump decided, Musk shared his thoughts about the Treasury job, writing in a post on X that Cantor Fitzgerald CEO Howard Lutnick would be a stronger choice." Business Insider further reports that Trump later made Lutnick his pick for commerce secretary. "That Trump went his own way in selecting Bessent for what is seen as the top economic role in any presidential administration may be an early sign of the limitations of Musk's relationship with the president-elect," the report states. "The Wall Street Journal reported that Trump sought advice from Wall Street leaders for the Treasury spot, and his advisors told him that analysts would view Bessent as a stabilizing figure." Musk did not respond to Business Insider's request for comment. Read the report here.“I am a farmer, an engineer, a businessman, a planner, a scientist, a governor, and a Christian,” Jimmy Carter introduced himself to elite journalists — and by extension their audiences — at the National Press Club in Washington, D.C., on Dec. 12, 1974, during launching his 1976 presidential campaign. Over the next five decades, the media, increasingly the primary power brokers under the new rules of U.S. politics, shaped Carter’s image. As the nation grapples with Carter’s legacy after he died on Sunday, Dec. 29, aged 100, Americans may have to contend with the fact that his presidency signaled a shift toward a more adversarial relationship between politicians and the press. Initially, national political reporters struggled to understand the Georgia governor who “whistled a different tune.” He was a White southerner who declared that “the time for racial discrimination [was] over.” He was a peanut farmer turned nuclear physicist. A deeply religious man, he also often quoted the words of American theologian Reinhold Niebuhr and singer-songwriter Bob Dylan. Many bought into an initial assessment from the New York : Such an observation was not just about Carter. It reflected a shifting journalistic environment. As the Chicago ’s rookie campaign reporter later explained to : “The Nixon Presidency helped create a whole breed of political journalists, who appeared in great numbers in 1976 to explain the character of Presidential candidates. It was a kind of Teddy White-ism gone wild ... Yet for all of us out there trying to explain what kind of person Jimmy Carter was, most of us didn’t or couldn’t and opted to call him an enigma.” The collective shorthand among journalists, inspired by their lingering anxieties over corrupt politicians, signified their uneasiness and shared antipathy toward the still little-known candidate. They may have admired his candor, but they feared that behind his enigmatic mask lurked another opportunistic politician. This suspicion and other nagging uncertainties about the New South’s redeemer lingered in the minds of traveling reporters throughout the 1976 presidential campaign. As staff writer Ken Auletta contended in the November 1976 issue of the cynical campaign pack remained distrustful of the politician who “with a straight face ... promises never to lie” and kept Carter under constant scrutiny on the trail. “They are always on guard, watchful of his every move,” Auletta wrote. “[Only Carter’s] absurd claim gives the press their potential advantage in the chess game. So they spend a fair amount of time searching for evidence Carter is lying — or at least fudging.” Shortly after the end of President Carter’s First 100 Days, political reporters, lusting to be the next Bob Woodward or Carl Bernstein, seized on their first strategic opportunity — a financial scandal involving Carter’s longtime adviser and Office of Management and Budget Director Bert Lance — what became known in the popular parlance of the era as Lance-gate. Throughout the investigation into Lance’s alleged misdeeds, Carter stood by his man, reaffirming his faith in Lance as a .” But, amid persistent negative coverage and calls from the Senate for Lance’s resignation, Carter succumbed to pressure to cut ties with his longtime adviser. In the aftermath of the Lance Affair, the relationship between the Carter Administration and the press became more contentious and hostile. Carter’s press secretary contended that journalistic attack dogs foamed at the mouth. Amid an increasingly adversarial milieu, they pounced on the failures of the Carter Administration in the handling of domestic challenges and international threats, as well as self-inflicted political embarrassments. After his landslide defeat at the hands of former actor and California Gov. Ronald Reagan, the adversarial pack dismissed Carter’s presidency as a failure, and many historians followed their lead. Carter was “a good and decent man,” the popular historian Doris Kearns Goodwin once put it. But this depiction often coincided with understanding his one-term presidency as a failure. Yet, his post-presidency made clear the values Carter attempted to infuse into the Democratic Party — that “love must be aggressively translated into simple justice,” a line from his 1976 speech accepting the Democratic presidential nomination. After he left the White House, he focused his attention on combating “disease, hunger, poverty, conflict and oppression” from the Carter Center and, in his spare time, teaching the Gospel from the pulpit at Maranatha Baptist Church in Plains, Ga., and building houses for the poor — the labor of love he remained committed to even after he was diagnosed with metastatic melanoma brain cancer in August 2015 and suffered a subdural hematoma in October 2019. It is worth remembering this commitment to the message of moral improvement that attracted supporters equally among liberals, conservatives, and moderates during the 1976 primaries. And finally, journalists are taking note of more than his failures. Pulse news site executive that Carter "deserves better” before pointing to his work on the Camp David Accords in 1978, his role as a champion of human rights, and his efforts to move the nation past the era of the credibility gap. “Telling the truth, obeying the law, keeping the peace, and championing human rights is quite a legacy,” he concluded. “So forget Iran ... and all of the other perceived failings.” The challenge in constructing Carter’s legacy rests in separating the media hype from the historical work he did. In the end, however, Jimmy Carter told journalists that he was “perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” perhaps the only question that remains is — are we? In the wake of Watergate, a newly adversarial political press scrutinized Jimmy Carter, looking for any sign that he was breaking his pledge not to lie, and pouncing on any blunders that his administration made. This shaped perceptions of Carter as a failed president, but his post-presidency complicates that idea and highlights aspects of his presidency often missed by the media in the moment. Jimmy Carter and the Birth of the Marathon Media Campaign
Bid for fund to preserve affordable housing in Ottawa fails at committeeThere was little love lost from Senate Republicans over former Florida Rep. Matt Gaetz’s abrupt withdrawal Thursday as President-elect Donald Trump’s attorney general nominee . The eight-day nomination, a brief stint that made it the third-shortest for a Cabinet seat in U.S. history, was plagued by GOP warnings that the polarizing Republican firebrand with a checkered past of sexual misconduct allegations had virtually no path to confirmation. “He was in the pressure cooker, and he made his decision,” said Sen. Thom Tillis (R-NC), a Judiciary Committee member whose panel holds attorney general confirmation hearings. “I’d like to think we’re demonstrating our efficiency.” Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-OK), a close Trump ally but a former House member who sparred with Gaetz over his involvement in ousting former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, praised it as “a positive move.” “I think because of the reports that were coming out, it was probably a good decision,” Mullin said, describing the confirmation process for Gaetz as an “uphill battle.” RECESS APPOINTMENTS: HOW TRUMP HOPES TO SKIP SENATE CONFIRMATIONS AND FILL HIS CABINET “I think what Matt decided to do here was the decision he had to come to, and it was probably a positive decision for the administration,” he added. Gaetz’s move came just one day after he and Vice President-elect J.D. Vance lobbied Republican senators and strategized with allies on Capitol Hill amid an unpublished House Ethics Committee report handicapping his nomination. Despite what appeared to be a softening image of Gaetz among GOP senators in the face of allegations he paid women for sex and had sex with minors, Gaetz concluded his confirmation was “unfairly becoming a distraction.” GOP senators who met with him said there was no forewarning of his withdrawal. “I had excellent meetings with senators yesterday. I appreciate their thoughtful feedback — and the incredible support of so many,” Gaetz wrote on X. “There is no time to waste on a needlessly protracted Washington scuffle, thus I'll be withdrawing my name from consideration to serve as Attorney General. Trump's DOJ must be in place and ready on Day 1.” Gaetz, who resigned from the House last week shortly after his attorney general nomination, denied the sexual misconduct allegations and any wrongdoing. Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME), a centrist up for reelection in 2026, said Gaetz “put country first” by dropping out, and she was “pleased with his decision.” “I was not going to make a final decision until after the hearing because you never know what's going to come out,” she said. “But certainly, there were a lot of red flags.” Sen. Mike Rounds (R-SD) foreshadowed that Gaetz’s pathway “would have been problematic.” Senate Democrats were also pleased with the revelation, though some were skeptical Gaetz would survive politically until confirmation hearings commence in January. "Maybe I don't give a s**t because it was never gonna happen," Sen. John Fetterman (D-PA) said. "But if you guys want to troll with it, it's up to you. Pick your trolls! Pick your trolls!" The fate of the sought-after House Ethics Committee report is uncertain after Republicans on the panel blocked its release. House Democrats are now seeking to compel votes with privileged legislation that would force its disclosure. The White House declined to comment on Gaetz. White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said the Biden administration “really, truly want to respect the transfer of power.” Senate Republicans may have dodged having to stake out a position on Gaetz. However, it doesn’t mean he’s out of their lives for good. TRUMP CABINET PICKS: WHO'S BEEN TAPPED TO SERVE IN THE PRESIDENT-ELECT'S ADMINISTRATION With Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) tapped as Trump’s secretary of state nominee, Gov. Ron DeSantis (R-FL) will be tasked with choosing the senator’s replacement. Although DeSantis and Gaetz have a fraught relationship, choosing him as Rubio’s successor would be a popular move in "MAGAworld." Sen. Rick Scott (R-FL) appeared to be an outlier among the reaction to his fellow Floridian, who said he was “disappointed” by the news. He name-checked Gaetz and Lara Trump, the president-elect's daughter-in-law and co-chairwoman of the Republican National Committee, as possible Rubio replacements. CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM THE WASHINGTON EXAMINER Republicans who met with Gaetz on Wednesday, including Sen. John Neely Kennedy (R-LA), expressed surprise that Gaetz’s decision came so soon after their meeting. “I have some thoughts” on who Trump should nominate next for attorney general, Kennedy said. “But I don't want to condemn their chances.” Christian Datoc contributed to this report.Fort scores 27 in Samford's 97-90 victory over Alabama A&M
Share Tweet Share Share Email In the fiercely competitive and fast-evolving world of AI video generation, the recent progress of SORA and Veo2 has been remarkable, drawing significant attention and setting high standards. Meanwhile, KLING AI, which has made waves since its launch a few months ago, is stepping up with its new 1.6 model, poised to redefine the possibilities of video synthesis and provide users with a more seamless and engaging creative experience . With this update, KLING AI have significantly improved the response to prompt, the visual aesthetics, and the physical actions, bringing more consistent and vivid results. In an internal assessment, the latest 1.6 model has seen a remarkable 195%enhancement in its image-to-video generation capabilities compared to the previous 1.5 model. This evaluation mainly focuses on dimensions such as the model’s prompt adherence, dynamics, and image quality. KLING AI 1.6 upgrade focuses on enhancing prompt adherence. It now demonstrates an outstanding understanding of prompts, translating them into more consistent and vivid video outputs. Whether it’s a complex narrative or a specific visual concept, the model can render it with greater precision and details. Moreover, the visual aesthetics have a substantial improvement. The generated videos possess a captivating level of fidelity, with enhanced color palettes, sharper details, and more natural scenes. This not only makes the videos more visually attractive but also boosts the overall quality. Prompt: The mechanical wolf slowly stands up, and its mechanical limbs spread out smoothly. The camera slowly moves up, and its blue eyes narrow slightly. The neon lights flicker in the background, full of a mysterious futuristic feeling. Also, to meet diverse user needs, KLING AI 1.6 offers two modes. The Standard Mode has a user-friendly interface for beginners to easily generate high-quality videos. The Professional Mode provides advanced customization options for experienced users who desire more control over the creative process. This dual-mode approach makes the model accessible to a wide range of users. A screenshot from a video generated under the Professional Mode of the 1.6 model Just less than a month ago, KLING AI released the 1.5 model with revolutionary features. The Motion Brush allows users paint on the video canvas to precisely define object or character movements, unlocking new creative potential. Also, the Camera Movements feature provided diverse angles and motions, enhancing visual storytelling and making videos more engaging and cinematic. As of December 2024, KLING AI has over 6 million users who have created more than 65 million videos and 175 million images. Related Items: A New Leap in Video Generation , KLING AI Releases its Latest 1.6 Model Share Tweet Share Share Email CommentsECAT: 21% Yield On ESG Stocks