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Jimmy Carter, a peanut farmer and little-known Georgia governor who became the 39th president of the United States, promising “honest and decent” government to Watergate-weary Americans, and later returned to the world stage as an influential human rights advocate and Nobel Peace Prize winner, has died. He was 100. When his turbulent presidency ended after a stinging reelection loss in 1980, Carter retreated to Plains, his political career over. Over the four decades that followed, though, he forged a legacy of public service, building homes for the needy, monitoring elections around the globe and emerging as a fearless and sometimes controversial critic of governments that mistreated their citizens. He lived longer than any U.S. president in history and was still regularly teaching Bible classes at his hometown Maranatha Baptist Church well into his 90s. During his post-presidency, he also wrote more than 30 books, including fiction, poetry, deeply personal reflections on his faith, and commentaries on Middle East strife. Though slowed by battles with brain and liver cancer and a series of falls and hip replacement in recent years, he returned again and again to his charity work and continued to offer occasional political commentary, including in support of mail-in voting ahead of the 2020 presidential election. Carter was in his first term as Georgia governor when he launched his campaign to unseat President Gerald Ford in the 1976 election. At the time, the nation was still shaken by President Richard Nixon’s resignation in the Watergate scandal and by the messy end of the Vietnam War. As a moderate Southern Democrat, a standard-bearer of what was then regarded as a more racially tolerant “new South,” Carter promised a government “as good and honest and decent and competent and compassionate and as filled with love as are the American people.” But some of the traits that had helped get Carter elected — his willingness to take on the Washington establishment and his preference for practicality over ideology — didn’t serve him as well in the White House. He showed a deep understanding of policy, and a refreshing modesty and disregard for the ceremonial trappings of the office, but he was unable to make the legislative deals expected of a president. Even though his Democratic Party had a majority in Congress throughout his presidency, he was impatient with the legislative give-and-take and struggled to mobilize party leaders behind his policy initiatives. His presidency also was buffeted by domestic crises — rampant inflation and high unemployment, as well as interminable lines at gas stations triggered by a decline in the global oil supply exacerbated by Iran’s Islamic Revolution. “Looking back, I am struck by how many unpopular objectives we pursued,” Carter acknowledged in his 2010 book, “White House Diary.” “I was sometimes accused of ‘micromanaging’ the affairs of government and being excessively autocratic,” he continued, “and I must admit that my critics probably had a valid point.” Carter’s signature achievements as president were primarily on the international front, and included personally brokering the Camp David peace accords between Egypt and Israel, which have endured for more than 40 years. But it was another international crisis — the storming of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran by Iranian revolutionaries and the government’s inability to win the release of 52 Americans taken hostage — that would cast a long shadow on his presidency and his bid for reelection. Carter authorized a secret military mission to rescue the hostages in April 1980, but it was aborted at the desert staging area; during the withdrawal, eight servicemen were killed when a helicopter crashed into a transport aircraft. The hostages were held for 444 days, a period that spanned Carter’s final 15 months in the White House. They were finally freed the day his successor, Ronald Reagan, took the oath of office. Near the end of Carter’s presidency, one poll put his job approval rating at 21% — lower than Nixon’s when he resigned in disgrace and among the lowest of any White House occupant since World War II. In a rarity for an incumbent president, Carter faced a formidable primary challenge in 1980 from Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, a favorite of the Democratic Party’s liberal wing. Although Carter prevailed, his nomination was in doubt until the party’s August convention. The enmity between Carter and Kennedy, two of the most important Democratic political figures of their generation, continued throughout their lives. In Kennedy’s memoir, published shortly after his death in 2009, he called Carter petty and guilty of “a failure to listen.” While promoting the publication of “White House Diary,” Carter said Kennedy had “deliberately” blocked Carter’s comprehensive healthcare proposals in the late 1970s in hopes of defeating the president in the primary. In the 1980 general election, Carter faced Reagan, then 69, who campaigned on a promise to increase military spending and rescue the economy by cutting taxes and decreasing regulation. Carter lost in a 51% to 41% thumping — he won just six states and the District of Columbia — that devastated the man known for his toothy smile and sent him back to his hometown, an ex-president at 56. A year later, he and Rosalynn founded the Carter Center, which pressed for peaceful solutions to world conflicts, promoted human rights and worked to eradicate disease in the poorest nations. The center, based in Atlanta, launched a new phase of Carter’s public life, one that would move the same historians who called Carter a weak president to label him one of America’s greatest former leaders. His post-presidential years were both “historic and polarizing,” as Princeton University historian Julian E. Zelizer put it in a 2010 biography of Carter. Zelizer said Carter “refused to be constrained politically when pursuing his international agenda” as an ex-president, and became “an enormously powerful figure on the international stage.” When Carter appeared on “The Colbert Report” in 2014, host Stephen Colbert asked him, “You invented the idea of the post-presidency. What inspired you to do that?” “I didn’t have anything else to do,” Carter replied. He traveled widely to mediate conflicts and monitor elections around the world, joined Habitat for Humanity to promote “sweat equity” for low-income homeownership, and became a blunt critic of human rights abuses. He angered conservatives and some liberals by advocating negotiations with autocrats — and his criticism of Israeli leaders and support for Palestinian self-determination angered many Jews. A prolific author, Carter covered a range of topics, including the Middle East crisis and the virtues of aging and religion. He penned a memoir on growing up in the rural South as well as a book of poems, and he was the first president to write a novel — “The Hornet’s Nest,” about the South during the Revolutionary War. He won three Grammy Awards as well for best spoken-word album, most recently in 2019 for “Faith: A Journey For All.” As with many former presidents, Carter’s popularity rose in the years after he left office. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for “decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts” and to advance democracy and human rights. By then, two-thirds of Americans said they approved of his presidency. “Jimmy Carter may never be rated a great president,” wrote Charles O. Jones, a University of Wisconsin political scientist, in his chronicle of the Carter presidency. “Yet it will be difficult in the long run to sustain censure of a president motivated to do what is right.” :::: The journey for James Earl Carter Jr. began on Oct. 1, 1924, in the tiny Sumter County, Georgia, town of Plains, home to fewer than 600 people in 2020. He was the first president born in a hospital, but he lived in a house without electricity or indoor plumbing until he was a teenager. His ancestors had been in Georgia for more than two centuries, and he was the fifth generation to own and farm the same land. His father, James Earl Carter Sr., known as Mr. Earl, was a strict disciplinarian and a conservative businessman of some means. His mother, known as Miss Lillian, had more liberal views — she was known for her charity work and for taking in transients and treating Black residents with kindness. (At the age of 70, she joined the Peace Corps, working in India.) Inspired by an uncle who was in the Navy, Carter decided as a first-grader that he wanted to go to the Naval Academy in Annapolis, Md. He became the first member of his family to finish high school, then attended Georgia Tech before heading for the academy, where he studied engineering and graduated in 1946, 59th in a class of 820. Before his last year in Annapolis, while home for the summer, he met Eleanor Rosalynn Smith, a friend of his sister Ruth’s. He and a friend invited the two young women to the movies, and when he returned home that night, he told his mother he had met “the girl I want to marry.” He proposed that Christmas, but Rosalynn declined because she felt she was too young (she was 18 and a sophomore in college). Several weeks later, while she was visiting Carter at the academy, he asked again. This time she said yes. Carter applied to America’s new nuclear-powered submarine program under the command of the icy and demanding Capt. (later Adm.) Hyman Rickover. During Carter’s interview, Rickover asked whether he had done his best at Annapolis. “I started to say, ‘Yes, sir,’ but ... I recalled several of the many times at the Academy when I could have learned more about our allies, our enemies, weapons, strategy and so forth,” Carter wrote in his autobiography. “... I finally gulped and said, ‘No, sir, I didn’t always do my best.’” To which Rickover replied: “Why not?” Carter got the job, and would later make “Why not the best?” his campaign slogan. The Carters had three sons, who all go by nicknames — John William “Jack,” James Earl “Chip” and Donnel Jeffrey “Jeff.” Carter and Rosalynn had wanted to have more children, but an obstetrician said that surgery Rosalynn had to remove a tumor on her uterus would make that impossible. Fifteen years after Jeffrey was born, the Carters had a daughter, Amy, who “made us young again,” Carter would later write. While in the Navy, Carter took graduate courses in nuclear physics and served as a submariner on the USS Pomfret. But his military career was cut short when his father died, and he moved back to Georgia in 1953 to help run the family business, which was in disarray. In his first year back on the farm, Carter turned a profit of less than $200, the equivalent of about $2,200 today. But with Rosalynn’s help, he expanded the business. In addition to farming 3,100 acres, the family soon operated a seed and fertilizer business, warehouses, a peanut-shelling plant and a cotton gin. By the time he began his campaign for the White House 20 years later, Carter had a net worth of about $800,000, and the revenue from his enterprises was more than $2 million a year. Carter entered electoral politics in 1962, and asked voters to call him “Jimmy.” He ran for a seat in the Georgia Senate against an incumbent backed by a local political boss who stuffed the ballot box. Trailing by 139 votes after the primary, Carter waged a furious legal battle, which he described years later in his book “Turning Point.” Carter got a recount, the primary result was reversed, and he went on to win the general election. The victory was a defining moment for Carter, the outsider committed to fairness and honesty who had successfully battled establishment politicians corrupted by their ties to special interests. In two terms in the Georgia Senate, Carter established a legislative record that was socially progressive and fiscally conservative. He first ran for governor in 1966, but finished third in the primary. Over the next four years, he made 1,800 speeches and shook hands with an estimated 600,000 people — a style of campaigning that paid off in the 1970 gubernatorial election and later in his bid for the White House. In his inaugural address as governor in 1971, Carter made national news by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” He had a portrait of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. hung in a hall at the Capitol in Atlanta. But when Carter launched his official campaign for the White House in December 1974, he was still so little-known outside Georgia that a celebrity panel on the TV show “What’s My Line?” couldn’t identify him. In the beginning, many scoffed at the temerity of a peanut farmer and one-term governor running for the highest office in the land. After Carter met with House Speaker Thomas P. “Tip” O’Neill Jr., the speaker was asked whom he had been talking to. “Some fellow named Jimmy Carter from Georgia. Says he’s running for president,” O’Neill replied. In a meeting with editors of the Los Angeles Times in 1975, Carter said he planned to gain the presidency by building a network of supporters and by giving his candidacy an early boost by winning the Iowa caucuses. Until then, Iowa had been a bit player in the nominating process, mostly ignored by strategists. But Carter’s victory there vaulted him to front-runner status — and Iowa into a major role in presidential nominations. His emergence from the pack of Democratic hopefuls was helped by the release of his well-reviewed autobiography “Why Not the Best?” in which he described his upbringing on the farm and his traditional moral values. On the campaign trail, Carter came across as refreshingly candid and even innocent — an antidote to the atmosphere of scandal that had eroded confidence in public officials since the events leading to Nixon’s resignation on Aug. 9, 1974. A Baptist Sunday school teacher, Carter was among the first presidential candidates to embrace the label of born-again Christian. That was underscored when, in an interview with Playboy magazine, he made headlines by admitting, “I’ve looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times. God knows I will do this and forgives me.” Carter had emerged from the Democratic National Convention in July with a wide lead over Ford, Nixon’s vice president and successor, but by the time of the Playboy interview in September, his numbers were tumbling. By election day, the contest was a dead heat. Carter, running on a ticket with Walter F. Mondale for his vice president, eked out a victory with one of the narrower margins in U.S. presidential history, winning 50.1% to 48% of the popular vote and 297 electoral votes, 27 more than needed. Many of Carter’s supporters hoped he would usher in a new era of liberal policies. But he saw his role as more of a problem-solver than a politician, and as an outsider who promised to shake things up in Washington, he often acted unilaterally. A few weeks into his term, Carter announced that he was cutting off federal funding to 18 water projects around the country to save money and protect the environment. Lawmakers, surprised by the assault on their pet projects, were livid. He ultimately backed down on some of the cuts. But his relationship with Congress never fully healed. Members often complained that they couldn’t get in to see him, and that when they did he was in a rush to show them the door. His relationship with the media, as he acknowledged later in life, was similarly fraught. Carter’s image as a reformer also took a hit early in his presidency after he appointed Bert Lance, a longtime confidant, to head the Office of Management and Budget. Within months of the appointment, questions were raised about Lance’s personal financial affairs as a Georgia banker. Adamant that Lance had done nothing wrong, Carter dug in his heels and publicly told his friend, “Bert, I’m proud of you.” Still, Lance resigned under pressure, and although he was later acquitted of criminal charges, the damage to Carter had been done. As Mondale later put it: “It made people realize that we were no different than anybody else.” When Carter did score legislative victories, the cost was high. In 1978, he pushed the Senate to ratify the Panama Canal treaties to eventually hand control of the canal over to Panama. But conservatives criticized the move as a diminution of U.S. strength, and even the Democratic National Committee declined to endorse it. Carter’s most significant foreign policy accomplishment was the 1978 Camp David agreement, a peace pact between Israel and Egypt. But he followed that with several unpopular moves, including his decree that the United States would not participate in the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, as a protest against the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan. It was the only time in Olympic history that the United States had boycotted an Olympics; the Soviets responded by boycotting the 1984 Summer Games in Los Angeles. Carter had taken a series of largely symbolic steps to dispel the imperial image of the presidency. After he took the oath of office on a wintry day, he and the new first lady emerged from their motorcade and walked part of the way from the Capitol to the White House. He ended chauffeur-driven cars for top staff members, sold the presidential yacht, went to the White House mess hall for lunch with the staff and conducted town meetings around the country. He suspended the playing of “Hail to the Chief” whenever he arrived at an event, though he later allowed the practice to resume. On the domestic front, he was saddled with a country in crisis. Inflation galloped at rates up to 14%, and global gasoline shortages closed service stations and created high prices and long lines. Interest rates for home mortgages soared above 14%. In his first televised fireside chat, he wore a cardigan sweater and encouraged Americans to conserve energy during the winter by keeping their thermostats at 65 degrees in the daytime and 55 degrees at night. He also proposed a string of legislative initiatives to deal with the crisis, but many were blocked by Congress. In what would become a seminal moment in his presidency, Carter addressed the nation — and a television audience of more than 60 million — on a Sunday evening in 1979, saying the country had been seized by a “crisis of confidence ... that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will.” He outlined a series of proposals to develop new sources of energy. The address, widely known as the “malaise speech” even though Carter never used that word, was generally well-received at the time, though some bristled at the implication that Americans were to blame for the country’s problems. Any positive glow disappeared two days later, when Carter fired five of his top officials, including the Energy, Treasury and Transportation secretaries and his attorney general. The value of the dollar sank and the stock market tumbled. Sensing that Carter was politically vulnerable, Kennedy moved to present himself as an alternative for the 1980 Democratic nomination, publicly criticizing the president’s agenda. But Kennedy damaged his own candidacy in a prime-time interview with CBS’ Roger Mudd: Asked why he was running for president, Kennedy fumbled his answer, and critics cited it as evidence that the senator didn’t want the job so much as he felt obligated to seek it. A few months after the malaise speech, in late 1979, revolutionaries loyal to Iran’s spiritual leader, the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, taking 52 Americans hostage. Weeks stretched into months, with Iran refusing all efforts to negotiate a hostage release. In April 1980, Carter approved Operation Eagle Claw, a secret Delta Force rescue mission. But it ended in disaster — mechanical trouble sidelined three helicopters and, after the mission was aborted, one of the remaining helicopters collided with a transport plane on the ground, killing eight soldiers. Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance resigned before the mission, believing the plan too risky. Negotiations to free the hostages resumed, and Carter desperately tried to win their release before the November election. But the Iranians prolonged the talks and the hostages weren’t released until Jan. 20, 1981, moments after Carter watched Reagan being sworn in. The journey home for Carter was painful. Of those who voted for Reagan in 1980, nearly 1 in 4 said they were primarily motivated by their dissatisfaction with Carter. :::: Carter faced “an altogether new, unwanted and potentially empty life,” as he later put it. He sold the family farm-supply business, which had been placed in a blind trust during his presidency and was by then deeply in debt. Then, as Rosalynn later recalled, Carter awoke one night with an idea to build not just a presidential library but a place to resolve global conflicts. Together, they founded the nonprofit, nonpartisan Carter Center. His skill as a mediator made Carter a ready choice for future presidents seeking envoys to navigate crises. Republican President George H.W. Bush sent him on peace missions to Ethiopia and Sudan, and President Bill Clinton, a fellow Democrat, dispatched him to North Korea, Haiti and what then was Yugoslavia. Carter described his relationship with President Barack Obama as chilly, however, in part because he had openly criticized the administration’s policies toward Israel. He felt Obama did not strongly enough support a separate Palestinian state. “Every president has been a very powerful factor here in advocating this two-state solution,” Carter told the New York Times in 2012. “That is now not apparent.” As an election observer, he called them as he saw them. After monitoring presidential voting in Panama in 1989, he declared that Manuel Noriega had rigged the election. He also began building houses worldwide for Habitat for Humanity, and he wrote prodigiously. The Nobel committee awarded Carter the Peace Prize in 2002, more than two decades after he left the White House, praising him for standing by “the principles that conflicts must as far as possible be resolved through mediation and international cooperation.” During his 70s, 80s and even into his 90s, the former president showed an energy that never failed to impress those around him. In his 1998 book “The Virtues of Aging,” he urged retirees to remain active and engaged, and he followed his own advice, continuing to jog, play tennis and go fly-fishing well into his 80s. When his “White House Diary” was published in 2010, he embarked on a nationwide book tour at 85, as he did in 2015 with the publication of “A Full Life: Reflections at 90.” When he told America he had cancer that had spread to his liver and brain, it was vintage Carter. Wearing a coat and tie and a pair of blue jeans, he stared into the television cameras and was unflinchingly blunt about his prognosis. “Hope for the best; accept what comes,” he said. “I think I have been as blessed as any human being in the world.”slot monitoring 。

Eagles QB Tanner McKee gets 1st career TD football back with a little help from fans in the stands

Terre Haute pitching great Tommy John has been a candidate for induction into the National Baseball Hall of Fame in Cooperstown 20 times, and much to his hometown's chagrin, hasn’t yet gotten the call. On Sunday night, John was passed over again for induction into the Hall at Cooperstown, New York. The lefthanded pitching great didn’t receive the minimum of 75% of the votes cast by the Classic Baseball Era Committee, a 16-member panel that included six Hall of Fame players, big-league executives and veteran media and historians. Seven other players were on the ballot. The committee chose instead former Phillies and White Sox slugger Dick Allen, and powerful former Pittsburgh Pirate and Cincinnati Red Dave Parker. Their selections were announced live on the "MLB Tonight" program on the MLB Network on Sunday evening. Parker was named on 14 of the 16 committee members' ballots, while Allen was on 13 voters' ballots. John received seven votes, third most but five shy of the necessary 12. John, now 81, lives with his wife in Florida. "I thought I had a great chance," he said Sunday night by phone from Florida. John didn't offer a comment on the choices of Allen and Parker, but pointed out that Allen had missed induction by one vote in the last veterans balloting. Also on the ballot were Ken Boyer, Steve Garvey and Luis Tiant, as well as former Negro Leagues star John Donaldson and manager Vic Harris. Boyer, Donaldson, Garvey, Harris and Tiant each received less than five votes on Sunday. John had connections with several fellow candidates. He played in the majors with Boyer, Garvey and Tiant, faced Allen and Parker on the mound. John also played against Allen in the minor leagues, and both entered the majors in 1963. John and Tiant — best known for his years as a Red Sox pitcher — were both officially rookies in the Cleveland rotation in 1964. In head-to-head matchups, Allen was 2-for-4 at bat against John for a .500 batting average, with one homer and one strikeout. Parker went 7-for-28 against John, a .250 average, with two homers. John struck out Parker a hefty nine times. The 16-member Classic Era Committee gathered at the MLB winter meetings Sunday in Dallas. The eight-person ballot was comprised of candidates whose primary contribution to the game came prior to 1980. Modern-era greats could join Allen and Parker in the Class of 2025, which will be inducted in ceremonies at Cooperstown on July 27. Parker, now 73, and the late Allen, who died in 2020, will be joined by any former players or managers elected in the Baseball Writers’ Association of America voting, to be announced on Jan. 21. John was unsure if he'll be considered again in future Hall of Fame votes by veterans committees. "I have no idea what they're going to do," he said Sunday night. Later Sunday, Craig Muder — National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum director of communications — told the Tribune-Star, "Tommy John remains eligible in the future. Next election would be fall of 2027 for Class of 2028." John was on the primary Hall of Fame ballot in voting by the Baseball Writers’ Association of America 15 times and never made the cut. He was back on the ballot by veteran panels to reconsider overlooked players, but also missed those cuts 2011, 2014, 2018 and 2020. Two recent developments seemed to strengthen John’s chances. First, one of John’s contemporaries — fellow former lefty pitcher Jim Kaat — was inducted last year with a similar career resume. Kaat finished a 25-year career from 1959 to ‘83 with a 283-237 record, a 3.45 earned-run average and three All-Star appearances. Kaat endorsed John for Hall induction. And, an upcoming, new documentary will soon shine a global spotlight on John’s life story. Winter State Entertainment has been crafting “Tommy John: The Bionic Man” since 2023 and prime elements of the upcoming 90-minute movie were filmed in Terre Haute. But only Allen and Parker received the necessary votes on Sunday. Allen played 15 seasons for the Phillies, Cardinals, Dodgers, White Sox and Athletics, totaling 351 home runs and 1,119 RBI. He won the 1964 National League Rookie of the Year Award with the Phillies and was named the 1972 American League Most Valuable Player with the White Sox. Parker was named to seven All-Star Games in his 19 seasons, winning back-to-back NL batting titles in 1977-78 while earning league MVP honors in the latter year. He starred with the Pirates' World Series championship team in 1979 and played for the Athletics World Series title team 10 years later. Parker won the 1979 All-Star Game MVP Award, displaying his legendary throwing arm from right field. John was born May 22, 1943 and raised in Terre Haute, and played boyhood and Gerstmeyer High School games, including his last one in 1961, at Spencer F. Ball Park on Eighth Avenue. Fittingly, his hometown named one of the park’s diamonds for John in 2014. John signed with the Cleveland Indians right out of high school, and went on to pitch 26 seasons in the big leagues from 1963 to 1989. A first-of-its-kind elbow surgery in 1974 preserved his career, but caused John to miss a full season and a half. John recovered magnificently and played another 14 seasons, finishing his career with 288 wins and 231 losses and a 3.34 earned-run average. John won 20 or more games three times, all after his surgery. In fact, John got 164 of his career wins after Jobe replaced the ulnar collateral ligament in his left arm with a tendon from John’s right arm. It had never been performed before, and his rehabilitation was also groundbreaking and unprecedented. John retold the story in his book “TJ: My 26 Years in Baseball.” After high school, he signed in 1961 with the Indians and was sent to play for the Dubuque Packers in the Class D Midwest League. Within two seasons, the Indians called him up to the Cleveland club. He pitched for the Indians, White Sox, Dodgers, Yankees, Angels and Athletics. He started 700 games in his long career, the eighth-most in history. His 4,710.1 innings pitched ranks 20th all-time. He made four All-Star games, including three after his epic elbow surgery, conducted by Dr. Frank Jobe.Holani Venture Capital Fund Outperforms Market Indices With Excellent Returns

With a focus on human rights, US policy toward Latin America under Jimmy Carter briefly tempered a long tradition of interventionism in a key sphere of American influence, analysts say. Carter, who died Sunday at the age of 100, defied the furor of US conservatives to negotiate the handover of the Panama Canal to Panamanian control, suspended aid to multiple authoritarian governments in the region, and even attempted to normalize relations with Cuba. Carter's resolve to chart a course toward democracy and diplomacy, however, was severely tested in Central America and Cuba, where he was forced to balance his human rights priorities with pressure from adversaries to combat the spread of communism amid the Cold War standoff with the Soviet Union. "Latin America was fundamental and his global policy was oriented toward human rights, democratic values and multilateral cooperation," political analyst Michael Shifter of the Inter-American Dialogue, a think tank in Washington, told AFP. During his 1977-1981 administration, which was sandwiched between the Republican presidencies of Gerald Ford and Ronald Reagan, the Democrat sought to take a step back from US alignment with right-wing dictatorships in Latin America. An important symbol of Carter's approach was the signing of two treaties in 1977 to officially turn over the Panama Canal in 1999. "Jimmy Carter understood that if he did not return the canal to Panama, the relationship between the United States and Panama could lead to a new crisis in a country where Washington could not afford the luxury of instability," said Luis Guillermo Solis, a political scientist and former president of Costa Rica. Carter called the decision, which was wildly unpopular back home, "the most difficult political challenge I ever had," as he accepted Panama's highest honor in 2016. He also hailed the move as "a notable achievement of moving toward democracy and freedom." On Sunday, Panamanian President Jose Mulino praised Carter for helping his country achieve "full sovereignty." During his term, Carter opted not to support Nicaraguan strongman Anastasio Somoza, who was subsequently overthrown by the leftist Sandinista Front in 1979. But in El Salvador, the American president had to "make a very uncomfortable pact with the government," said Shifter. To prevent communists from taking power, Carter resumed US military assistance for a junta which then became more radical, engaging in civilian massacres and plunging El Salvador into a long civil war. Carter took a critical approach to South American dictatorships in Argentina, Chile, Uruguay and Paraguay, suspending arms deliveries and imposing sanctions in some cases. But his efforts "did not achieve any progress in terms of democratization," said Argentine political scientist Rosendo Fraga. The American president also tried to normalize relations with Cuba 15 years after the missile crisis. He relaxed sanctions that had been in force since 1962, supported secret talks and enabled limited diplomatic representation in both countries. "With him, for the first time, the possibility of dialogue rather than confrontation as a framework for political relations opened up," Jesus Arboleya, a former Cuban diplomat, told AFP. But in 1980, a mass exodus of 125,000 Cubans to the United States, with Fidel Castro's blessing, created an unexpected crisis. It "hurt Carter politically with the swarm of unexpected immigrants," said Jennifer McCoy, a professor of political science at Georgia State University. Castro continued to support Soviet-backed African governments and even deployed troops against Washington's wishes, finally putting an end to the normalization process. However, more than 20 years later, Carter made a historic visit to Havana as ex-president, at the time becoming the highest-profile American politician to set foot on Cuban soil since 1959. During the 2002 visit, "he made a bold call for the US to lift its embargo, but he also called on Castro to embrace democratic opening," said McCoy, who was part of the US delegation for the trip, during which Castro encouraged Carter to throw out the ceremonial first pitch at a Cuban All-Star baseball game. "Castro was sitting in the front row and we were afraid he would rise to give a long rebuttal to Carter's speech. But he didn't. He just said, 'Let's go to the ball game.'" Cubans "will remember with gratitude his efforts to improve relations," the island's current leader Miguel Diaz-Canel said on Sunday. In the years following Carter's presidency, Ronald Reagan (1981-1989) would go on to resume a full-frontal confrontation with Cuba. Decades later, Barack Obama (2009-2017) opened a new phase of measured normalization, which Donald Trump (2017-2021) brought to an end. US President Joe Biden promised to review US policy toward Cuba, but hardened his stance after Havana cracked down on anti-government protests in 2021. "Carter showed that engagement and diplomacy are more fruitful than isolation," McCoy said. bur-lp-rd-jb/lbc/mlr/bfm/sst/bbk/nro/acb

Ware had six rebounds and three blocks for the Mavericks (5-6). Diante Smith shot 5 of 11 from the field, including 2 for 7 from 3-point range, and went 4 for 4 from the line to add 16 points. Brody Robinson shot 2 for 5 (1 for 4 from 3-point range) and 6 of 8 from the free-throw line to finish with 11 points. Makai Willis led the Warhawks (4-8) in scoring, finishing with 18 points, 13 rebounds and two blocks. Tyreese Watson added 15 points, six rebounds and four assists for UL Monroe. Jalen Bolden also had 13 points, 15 rebounds, seven assists and three steals. UT Arlington next plays Wednesday against Evansville at home, and UL Monroe will host Houston Christian on Tuesday. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .For their last holiday season in the White House, President Joe Biden and First Lady Jill Biden decked the halls with a theme of "A Season of Peace and Light." When guests first enter the White House for holiday tours, they're greeted by a massive, rotating starlight above the East Wing. The first tree on the tour is dedicated to Gold Star Families. It's made of six oversized and stacked stars representing the branches of the military. Names of fallen service members are written on gold star ornaments on the four accompanying Christmas trees around the room, according to the White House website . Brass-colored bells suspended from archways down the East Colonnade surround guests with the "peaceful sounds of the holiday season." The White House Library is a forest of vintage ceramic Christmas trees. RELATED STORY | Capitol Christmas tree arrives in Washington after 4,000-mile journey from Alaska The ceiling of the East Room is wrapped in a canopy of reflective medallions that mimic the feeling of a peaceful snowfall. This is where guests will find the Nativity scene that has been displayed during every White House holiday season since 1967. In the Blue Room, guests will find the official White House Christmas Tree, a Fraser fir from North Carolina, on display in the center of a whimsical carousel. Every year the room's chandelier is removed to accommodate the tall Christmas trees. Military families from the USS Delaware and the USS Gabrielle Giffords, Navy vessels that First Lady Biden sponsors, made dazzling paper garlands that wrap around the State Dining Room. One of the most anticipated features every year is the Gingerbread White House. The sugary replica features a large starburst and a cheerful scene of ice skaters this year. The White House said the gingerbread masterpiece took 25 sheets of gingerbread dough, 10 sheets of sugar cookie dough, five pounds of pastillage, 45 pounds of chocolate, 50 pounds of royal icing and 10 pounds of gum paste to come to life. In total, there are 83 Christmas trees throughout the White House adorned with approximately 9,810 feet of ribbon and over 28,125 ornaments. Over 165,075 lights decorate the trees, garlands, wreaths and displays. RELATED STORY | Experts share tips on how to have a bugfree Christmas "It has been the honor of our lives to serve as your President and First Lady. Our hope is for the Nation to be blessed with the peace and light of the holiday season. We wish you a Merry Christmas and Happy Holidays," the president and first lady wrote in the welcome letter for the commemorative White House Holiday Guide. It took over 300 dedicated volunteers from across the country a full week to decorate the inside and outside of the White House, who the first lady thanked during a special event to mark the holiday season. The first lady invited National Guard families to be the first to experience this year's magical decorations and had their children on stage at the special event.

The business sector is calling for multiple government stimulus measures, especially tax incentives and a household debt reduction scheme, to revive the economy and give the public a New Year's gift. Nath Vongphanich, president of the Thai Retailers Association (TRA), said the group sees public investment as a key driver for economic expansion in 2025. The government should expedite budget disbursement and public spending for 2025 to align with its targets, he said. Efforts should be made to ensure a broad distribution of government funds through investments, procurement and stimulus measures to drive Thailand's economy forward, said Mr Nath. To support small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and counter the influx of cheap Chinese goods, the government should facilitate access to low-interest loans or funding sources, expand trade opportunities, and increase marketing channels for Thai product distribution, he said. "Next year, TRA will implement the 'TRA GREAT' initiative by providing spaces within member retailers such as Makro, Lotus's, Central, Go Wholesale and Thai Watsadu for micro-SMEs to sell their products throughout the year," said Mr Nath. Moreover, TRA wants government measures to stimulate consumer spending, such as the "Shop Dee Mee Khuen" programme, Easy e-Receipt, and incentives for private sector investments. The association also proposes the government offer tax incentives for tourists. "We could adopt a tax-free shopping scheme for tourists similar to Japan, which allows tax-free purchases exceeding ¥500,000 per day. In Thailand, we may begin with value-added tax [VAT] exemptions for purchases exceeding 5,000 baht per day in a single store," he said. White paper Sanan Angubolkul, chairman of the Thai Chamber of Commerce, said the chamber submitted a white paper outlining urgent economic stimulus measures to the government. "The government should implement policies aimed at lowering the cost of living for people and expenses for businesses," he said. Key recommendations include controlling the prices of essential goods and services, freezing electricity and diesel prices, and establishing an energy board. In addition, the private sector recommends adjusting the minimum wage through the tripartite wage committee. The chamber said the second phase of the 10,000-baht handout next year may be insufficient to stimulate the economy. The group proposed a "multiplier measure" that could double the circulation of funds in the economy. Initiatives such as the Easy e-Receipt programme could inject an estimated 30-50 billion baht into the economy via roughly 1 million participants, without burdening the state budget, according to the chamber. Addressing the debt overhang among individuals and SMEs is also critical. The government should adopt integrated monetary and fiscal policies alongside income redistribution to reduce inequality, said the group. Proposed measures include debt moratoriums and extensions for housing, vehicles and SMEs, especially to ensure work-related vehicles like pickups are not repossessed. There is also an urgent need to reduce interest rates and improve access to credit, said Mr Sanan. He emphasised the importance of enhancing the competitiveness of Thai businesses to better compete with imported goods. Essential strategies include ensuring fair trade practices, preventing market-damaging practices such as dumping, and maintaining product quality standards. The chamber called on the government to attract both domestic and foreign investments. One suggestion is to designate Prachin Buri as part of the Eastern Economic Corridor, which could significantly boost investment in that area. This initiative would bolster the competitiveness of key sectors such as food, tourism and wellness, said Mr Sanan, while also increasing the potential to become a hub for logistics and connectivity as well as education. As Thailand enters its peak tourism season, the chamber sees a prime opportunity to leverage major festivals such as New Year's Eve, Chinese New Year and Songkran. "If the government can promote Thailand's soft power by organising various events and ensuring that Thai festivals are included in the global calendar, it will enhance awareness among foreign tourists and attract high-potential visitors to travel to and reside in Thailand. This would generate substantial income for the economy," he said. CONSUMPTION BOOST Rakpong Chaisuparakul, senior vice-president at KGI Securities (Thailand), said the government is expected to announce a consumption package as a New Year's gift on Dec 12. "In our view, the New Year package may include a 38-billion-baht cash handout for farmers, a 40-billion-baht cash handout for the elderly, and an Easy e-Receipt programme effective for the first quarter of next year," he said. In addition, the market is keen to hear details of the Bank of Thailand's plans to ease nationwide household debt, which is due to be announced on Dec 11, said Mr Rakpong. According to KGI, the measures are expected to cover 2.3 million loan accounts with a combined value of 1.3 billion baht, mainly in housing and consumer loans. The assistance package will set a payment timeline of three years to allow debtors to waive interest rates and pay monthly instalments of 50% in the first year, 70% in the second year, and 90% in the third, noted the brokerage. The government expects the measures to require a budget of 80 billion baht, of which 40 billion is funded by reducing the Financial Institutions Development Fund (FIDF) fee for banks to 0.23% of deposits, with the balance coming from money injected by banks. Under these measures, banks can reduce their FIDF costs, but may need to contribute more money to raise the 80 billion baht needed for the assistance measures. "We remain positive on Thai consumer plays, which entered their high earnings season in the fourth quarter, as well as the non-bank finance sector, which could benefit from the household debt bailout plan," said Mr Rakpong. CAR TRADE-IN The state plan to launch a car trade-in programme to stimulate purchases in the auto market is a good initiative, but will be difficult to translate into action, said Surapong Paisitpatanapong, vice-chairman of the Federation of Thai Industries (FTI) and the spokesman for the FTI's Automotive Industry Club. The government must devise other new stimulus measures that can increase people's income, which is a crucial factor in their vehicle purchasing decisions, he said. Mr Surapong said he wants to learn more details about the trade-in programme, recently announced by Industry Minister Akanat Promphan to deal with months of sluggish car sales in the country. Authorities must clarify the car types, the age of used cars and price issues for the scheme, he said. "This measure still depends on loans being granted by banks and car financing companies. If they don't want to participate, the scheme will not work," said Mr Surapong. Banks' strict auto loan criteria amid high levels of household debt is a key factor causing the plunge in domestic car sales. The slowdown caused the club to downgrade Thailand's total car manufacturing target for 2024 to 1.5 million vehicles, dipping from 1.7 million, which is the lowest target since 2021. From January to October, vehicle manufacturing fell by 19.2% year-on-year to 1.24 million units, the club reported. He called on the government to craft appropriate solutions to debt problems so that banks and financing companies will relax their lending criteria. "We want people to have more money and job security. This will lift their confidence, giving them more courage to spend money to buy cars," said Mr Surapong. "Many people want new cars, but they have to save money in a stagnant economy." Wallop Treererkngam, executive vice-president of Suzuki Motor (Thailand), agreed with Mr Surapong on the need for measures to deal with household debt. "If the government can ease debt problems, including non-performing loans among SMEs, banks will certainly grant auto loans," he said. "The result would be car and auto parts businesses would recover from the slowdown." LASTING MEASURES Chaiyaporn Nompitakcharoen, managing director of the research department at Bualuang Securities, said the government should support the installation of solar rooftops for individuals and SMEs. Thailand relies on imported oil for use in transport and electricity production, both of which are critical for the economy. When the oil price rises, the business and household sectors are stunted, he said. Mr Chaiyaporn said the government should also offer soft loans for new businesses in trendy fields, such as those focused on the environment, social and governance issues, or sustainable development. He added there should be state support for products from local communities, such as beverages and other items that are deemed outstanding, assisting in the development of brands to enable growth. "These measures can increase the potential of SMEs, which are an important foundation for future growth. Lowering electricity costs by installing solar rooftops will help the government to reduce its support for Oil Fund subsidies," said Mr Chaiyaporn. However, long-term solutions often lack political will from government officials, he said. The government should prioritise easing loan problems in the household and SME sectors, said Mr Chaiyaporn. "Commercial banks have acted on their own to address debt concerns, such as lowering interest rates and extending debt repayment periods. I would like to see government measures," he said. In addition, it is vital to help people laid off because of the economic slowdown, the impact of the US-China trade war, and production relocation away from Thailand, especially in the automotive industry, said Mr Chaiyaporn. Singapore organised free training courses for employees in many professions to upgrade their skills, enabling them to have more stable jobs, he said. Somchai Sittichaisrichart, managing director of SIS Distribution Plc, said the government should offer tax expense exemptions to corporations that bought solar systems and IT systems to support sustainability and digital transformation. Tax incentives can spur spending without a government cash injection, he said. The VAT needs to be raised from 7% to 10% to increase state revenue, as VAT rates in neighbouring nations are 9-10%, said Mr Somchai.

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Terre Haute pitching great Tommy John has been a candidate for induction into the National Baseball Hall of Fame in Cooperstown 20 times, and much to his hometown's chagrin, hasn’t yet gotten the call. On Sunday night, John was passed over again for induction into the Hall at Cooperstown, New York. The lefthanded pitching great didn’t receive the minimum of 75% of the votes cast by the Classic Baseball Era Committee, a 16-member panel that included six Hall of Fame players, big-league executives and veteran media and historians. Seven other players were on the ballot. The committee chose instead former Phillies and White Sox slugger Dick Allen, and powerful former Pittsburgh Pirate and Cincinnati Red Dave Parker. Their selections were announced live on the "MLB Tonight" program on the MLB Network on Sunday evening. Parker was named on 14 of the 16 committee members' ballots, while Allen was on 13 voters' ballots. John received seven votes, third most but five shy of the necessary 12. John, now 81, lives with his wife in Florida. "I thought I had a great chance," he said Sunday night by phone from Florida. John didn't offer a comment on the choices of Allen and Parker, but pointed out that Allen had missed induction by one vote in the last veterans balloting. Also on the ballot were Ken Boyer, Steve Garvey and Luis Tiant, as well as former Negro Leagues star John Donaldson and manager Vic Harris. Boyer, Donaldson, Garvey, Harris and Tiant each received less than five votes on Sunday. John had connections with several fellow candidates. He played in the majors with Boyer, Garvey and Tiant, faced Allen and Parker on the mound. John also played against Allen in the minor leagues, and both entered the majors in 1963. John and Tiant — best known for his years as a Red Sox pitcher — were both officially rookies in the Cleveland rotation in 1964. In head-to-head matchups, Allen was 2-for-4 at bat against John for a .500 batting average, with one homer and one strikeout. Parker went 7-for-28 against John, a .250 average, with two homers. John struck out Parker a hefty nine times. The 16-member Classic Era Committee gathered at the MLB winter meetings Sunday in Dallas. The eight-person ballot was comprised of candidates whose primary contribution to the game came prior to 1980. Modern-era greats could join Allen and Parker in the Class of 2025, which will be inducted in ceremonies at Cooperstown on July 27. Parker, now 73, and the late Allen, who died in 2020, will be joined by any former players or managers elected in the Baseball Writers’ Association of America voting, to be announced on Jan. 21. John was unsure if he'll be considered again in future Hall of Fame votes by veterans committees. "I have no idea what they're going to do," he said Sunday night. Later Sunday, Craig Muder — National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum director of communications — told the Tribune-Star, "Tommy John remains eligible in the future. Next election would be fall of 2027 for Class of 2028." John was on the primary Hall of Fame ballot in voting by the Baseball Writers’ Association of America 15 times and never made the cut. He was back on the ballot by veteran panels to reconsider overlooked players, but also missed those cuts 2011, 2014, 2018 and 2020. Two recent developments seemed to strengthen John’s chances. First, one of John’s contemporaries — fellow former lefty pitcher Jim Kaat — was inducted last year with a similar career resume. Kaat finished a 25-year career from 1959 to ‘83 with a 283-237 record, a 3.45 earned-run average and three All-Star appearances. Kaat endorsed John for Hall induction. And, an upcoming, new documentary will soon shine a global spotlight on John’s life story. Winter State Entertainment has been crafting “Tommy John: The Bionic Man” since 2023 and prime elements of the upcoming 90-minute movie were filmed in Terre Haute. But only Allen and Parker received the necessary votes on Sunday. Allen played 15 seasons for the Phillies, Cardinals, Dodgers, White Sox and Athletics, totaling 351 home runs and 1,119 RBI. He won the 1964 National League Rookie of the Year Award with the Phillies and was named the 1972 American League Most Valuable Player with the White Sox. Parker was named to seven All-Star Games in his 19 seasons, winning back-to-back NL batting titles in 1977-78 while earning league MVP honors in the latter year. He starred with the Pirates' World Series championship team in 1979 and played for the Athletics World Series title team 10 years later. Parker won the 1979 All-Star Game MVP Award, displaying his legendary throwing arm from right field. John was born May 22, 1943 and raised in Terre Haute, and played boyhood and Gerstmeyer High School games, including his last one in 1961, at Spencer F. Ball Park on Eighth Avenue. Fittingly, his hometown named one of the park’s diamonds for John in 2014. John signed with the Cleveland Indians right out of high school, and went on to pitch 26 seasons in the big leagues from 1963 to 1989. A first-of-its-kind elbow surgery in 1974 preserved his career, but caused John to miss a full season and a half. John recovered magnificently and played another 14 seasons, finishing his career with 288 wins and 231 losses and a 3.34 earned-run average. John won 20 or more games three times, all after his surgery. In fact, John got 164 of his career wins after Jobe replaced the ulnar collateral ligament in his left arm with a tendon from John’s right arm. It had never been performed before, and his rehabilitation was also groundbreaking and unprecedented. John retold the story in his book “TJ: My 26 Years in Baseball.” After high school, he signed in 1961 with the Indians and was sent to play for the Dubuque Packers in the Class D Midwest League. Within two seasons, the Indians called him up to the Cleveland club. He pitched for the Indians, White Sox, Dodgers, Yankees, Angels and Athletics. He started 700 games in his long career, the eighth-most in history. His 4,710.1 innings pitched ranks 20th all-time. He made four All-Star games, including three after his epic elbow surgery, conducted by Dr. Frank Jobe.