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superph app New York, Dec 30 (AP) Top-ranked chess player Magnus Carlsen is headed back to the World Blitz Championship on Monday after its governing body agreed to loosen a dress code that got him fined and denied a late-round game in another tournament for refusing to change out of jeans. Lamenting the contretemps, International Chess Federation President Arkady Dvorkovich said in a statement Sunday that he'd let World Blitz Championship tournament officials consider allowing “appropriate jeans” with a jacket, and other “elegant minor deviations” from the dress code. Magnus Carlsen Disqualified From FIDE World Rapid and Blitz Chess Championships 2024 for Wearing Jeans, Fined USD 200 . He said Carlsen's stand — which culminated in his quitting the tournament Friday — highlighted a need for more discussion “to ensure that our rules and their application reflect the evolving nature of chess as a global and accessible sport.” Carlsen, meanwhile, said in a video posted Sunday on social media that he would play — and wear jeans — in the World Blitz Championship when it begins Monday. FIDE is pleased to confirm that Magnus Carlsen will participate in the FIDE World Blitz Championship. Speaking to Levi Rozman from “Take, Take, Take” at the playing venue on Wall Street, Carlsen said: “I am playing at least one more day here in New York and, if I do well,... pic.twitter.com/fvFJi2w970 — International Chess Federation (@FIDE_chess) December 29, 2024 “I think the situation was badly mishandled on their side,” the 34-year-old Norwegian grandmaster said. But he added that he loves playing blitz — a fast-paced form of chess — and wanted fans to be able to watch, and that he was encouraged by his discussions with the federation after Friday's showdown. “I think we sort of all want the same thing,” he suggested in the video on his Take Take Take chess app's YouTube channel. “We want the players to be comfortable, sure, but also relatively presentable.” The events began when Carlsen wore jeans and a sportcoat Friday to the Rapid World Championship, which is separate from but held in conjunction with the blitz event. The chess federation said Friday that longstanding rules prohibit jeans at those tournaments, and players are lodged nearby to make sartorial switch-ups easy if needed. An official fined Carlsen $200 and asked him to change pants, but he refused and wasn't paired for a ninth-round game, the federation said at the time. The organisation noted that another grandmaster, Ian Nepomniachtchi, was fined earlier in the day for wearing sports shoes, changed and continued to play. Magnus Carlsen Withdraws From FIDE World Rapid Chess Championship 2024 & Blitz Events, Says ‘A Matter Of Principle For Me’ (Watch Video) . Carlsen has said that he offered to wear something else the next day, but officials were unyielding. He said “it became a bit of a matter of principle,” so he quit the rapid and blitz championships. In the video posted Sunday, he questioned whether he had indeed broken a rule and said changing clothes would have needlessly interrupted his concentration between games. He called the punishment “unbelievably harsh”. “Of course, I could have changed. Obviously, I didn't want to,” he said, and “I stand by that”. (AP) (This is an unedited and auto-generated story from Syndicated News feed, LatestLY Staff may not have modified or edited the content body)

By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Related Articles Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Rhode Island beats Bryant 35-21 to claim its first Coastal Athletic Association titleNavitas Semiconductor Appoints Dr. Ranbir Singh to Board of Directors

This undated photo courtesy of the Philippine Stock Exchange Inc. (PSE) shows (from left) PSE Capital Markets Development Division Head Mark Frederick V. Visda, PSE Technology Division Head Philip A. Driz, PSE General Counsel Veronica V. Del Rosario, PSE COO Roel A. Refran, PSE President and CEO Ramon S. Monzon, PSE Issuer Regulation Division Head Marigel B. Garcia, Securities Clearing Corp. of the Philippines COO Renee D. Rubio, and PSE Market Operations Division Head Roel M. Villanueva. The Philippine Stock Exchange index ended the trading year at 6,528.79 points, up by 78.75 points or 1.2 percent from its close of 6,450.04 in 2023. This marked the first time that the PSEi closed higher year-on-year since 2019. Philippine Stock Exchange Inc.TikTok CEO Chew Shou Zi reportedly sought advice from Tesla CEO Elon Musk . According to an exclusive report in WSJ, ByteDance-owned TikTok chief executive officer Chew Shou Zi has sought input on US matters from Elon Musk. Tesla CEO has emerged as one of the closest advisers to President-elect Donald Trump. The Wall Street Journal reported on November 23, citing people familiar with the matter. TikTok CEO Chew is reported to have reached out to Tesla CEO in recent weeks and asked for his opinions on topics ranging from the incoming administration to potential tech policy, the report added as per news agency Reuters. The report added that both the executives have not discussed specific measures to keep TikTok running in the United States. ByteDance's senior leadership remains cautiously optimistic. Before the US election, ByteDance executives met with people close to both Trump and Democratic nominee Kamala Harris. Elon Musk joined Trump in calls with Google CEO and Ukraine president Incidentally, there are also reports that Musk joined President-elect Donald Trump during his call with Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. And earlier this week, The Information reported that Musk was there in the call when Google CEO Sunadr Pichai called to congratulate Pichai. The big Yes and No on Tiktok ban in the US Trump, who previously attempted to ban TikTok, has stated that he would not allow the app to be barred if elected in November. However, President Trump's pick for Federal Communications Commission chairman could be bad news for TikTok. In his Project 2025 chapter, Carr asserted that the Chinese social media platform TikTok “poses a serious and unacceptable risk to America’s national security” and should be banned. The new FCC chairman also reportedly has a close relationship with Musk and has accused Democrats of waging “regulatory lawfare” against Musk’s Starlink satellite internet service.

Let’s be honest for a second: Sure, President-elect Donald Trump ’s decision to nominate his daughter Ivanka’s father-in-law, Charles Kushner, to be ambassador to France has raised eyebrows . But that decision almost certainly won’t have any notable impact on your life. Welcome to the presidential inauguration waiting game: Gaming out what Trump will actually do when he takes office, how his choices for top White House and Cabinet jobs will translate into policy and how much and how quickly all of this will affect you, if at all. Most of this is educated guesswork, based on things like Trump’s recent public utterances and his first-term record. It hinges on dynamics like the prospects of Senate confirmations and, if a given candidate is rebuffed, how far the incoming president will go to install them (hint: Get used to the title “acting.”) We take the position that there are no unimportant presidential decisions or nominations. But Trump nominating Rep. Elise Stefanik as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, while setting the stage for a confrontational relationship with that organization, is unlikely to mean much to your daily life. Not only are these two policy areas that Trump obviously cares about, they also don’t require congressional action. The president has wide latitude to raise tariffs and launch the vastest deportation plan in American history – both of which he has labeled Day One priorities . So when he says, as he did recently, that he plans to impose a 25% tariff on all goods from Canada and Mexico, people sit up and take notice. (His stated aim was to coerce greater cooperation from them on blocking immigration and fentanyl flows into the United States.) Economists broadly agree that consumers bear the brunt of the financial burden tied to tariffs. The duties are not paid by the country being targeted but by the importer, which regularly passes along those costs. You’d feel the pinch at the gas pump and the grocery store . But will he do it? Trump had a phone call with Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum and hosted Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau at Mar-a-Lago. After the former, Trump declared victory on immigration across the southern border, but Sheinbaum pointedly noted that the president had extracted no new concessions . Trump and Trudeau both described their talks as “productive” but did not provide details. Does this signal Trumpian resolve to use tariffs? Or did this serve as a steam-valve of sorts that makes them less likely? We had previously noted that the incoming president would claim credit for existing policies, and that appears to be what has happened. Trump’s mass deportation plan (the details are sketchy) would also almost certainly have immediate economic and social impacts – and could put blue localities and the red federal government on an unprecedented collision course. Many American economic sectors depend on immigrants in the country legally and illegally – think agriculture , building maintenance and groundskeeping, construction and food prep. The five states with the largest populations are California, Texas, Florida, New York and New Jersey. Even if Trump prioritizes deporting gang members and criminals at first, the prospects for a mass roundup are sure to have an effect on the millions of non-violent immigrants here illegally – not to mention those here legally who are afraid of being caught up in such an unprecedented dragnet. And what about “mixed” households that include both people here illegally and people here legally (including children with U.S. citizenship)? Trump’s pick to lead the FBI, Kash Patel, is a MAGA diehard who has promised to target domestic political critics of the president-elect and go after journalists. This has enormous ramifications for rule of law and democracy in America. ( There’s scant evidence for Trump’s claim that President Joe Biden used the Justice Department to pursue him.) The president-elect’s vow to fire “woke generals” ( something he can absolutely do , by the way) could have repercussions for military recruitment. Trump’s policies towards Ukraine and Russia, towards Israel and the Middle East as a whole, towards climate, towards public health ? Very important for the future of the country and the planet. Improbable plans to slash federal spending (his advisers have endorsed $2 trillion cuts that are larger than annual discretionary spending )? I would bet that pushing out federal workers and rolling back (or simply refusing to enforce) regulations are more likely, and that could affect millions of Americans (and U.S. businesses) in the near term. But in each case, questions abound: How many Americans will tune these in? Will they see an impact on their daily lives? How will that shape their response? This is not to minimize any aspect of this. It’s to highlight the relationship between policy and politics.

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Chennai: A Class VIII girl was sexually abused by her father and his 19-year-old nephew for two years near Thiruvottiyur. The all-women police arrested the duo based on the complaint of the girl's mother, who lives separately. Police said the 35-year-old man, a resident of Thiruvottiyur, married a woman and had three children – two daughters and a son. The couple parted ways six years ago, and the woman stayed with her parents. She took care of the three children as they were studying at a school in the neighbourhood. Two years ago, the woman allowed her second daughter, studying in Class III, to stay with her father. The girl was enrolled in a nearby school. A week ago, the girl expressed her desire to visit her mother and siblings. Her father arranged for a relative to drop the girl to meet her siblings and mother at her grandparents' house. Maharashtra Jharkhand Maharashtra Alliance View i Party View Seats: 288 Results Majority: 145 BJP+ 229 MVA 47 OTH 12 Results : 288 / 288 BJP+ WON Jharkhand Alliance View i Party View Seats: 81 Results Majority: 41 INDIA 56 NDA 24 OTH 1 Results : 81 / 81 INDIA WON Source: PValue The girl told her mother she was sexually harassed by her father and cousin for the past two years. Following this, the girl's mother filed a complaint against her husband and his nephew at the Thiruvottiyur all-women police station. Police registered a case under the Pocso Act against the girl's father and nephew. After recording her statement in the presence of volunteers from the social justice and empowerment department and child welfare committee (CWC) officials, police arrested the duo. They were remanded in judicial custody after being produced before a magistrate court in the city.By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter’s closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.

Rep. Katie Porter was granted a temporary restraining order by a judge Tuesday after she alleged that her former partner engaged in “harassment and threats” that harmed her relationship with her family and her professional reputation. The temporary domestic violence restraining order mandates that Julian Willis, Porter’s ex-boyfriend who she lived with “for brief periods of time,” according to filings with the Orange County Superior Court, stop contacting the congresswoman, her children and her current and former colleagues. The restraining order also mandates that Willis stay away from Porter. A court hearing has been scheduled for Dec. 17 for a permanent restraining order. Porter, 50, sought the restraining order after allegedly enduring “psychological abuse” as well as “three months of ongoing threats and harassment,” including a message on Saturday, Nov. 23 that “prompted that (Porter) consider suicide,” according to the declaration Porter filed with the court on Tuesday, Nov. 26. “Julian’s struggles with mental health and substance abuse have created an unsafe and unpredictable situation for me, my children, my family and my work colleagues,” Porter said in her declaration. Since Aug. 27, Willis, 55, has sent Porter more than 1,000 text messages and emails “with the clear intent to threaten and harass me,” Porter said in the filing. He continued to contact her despite her telling him to stop and blocking his texts, she said. “He stated that his goal was to ‘force me into prolonged psychiatric treatment’ and that he intended not to stop, even if I had to be hospitalized as a suicide risk,” she said. Willis, when reached by email Wednesday, said he could not comment at this time. He offered to provide one piece of documentation, but the Southern California News Group could not independently verify its validity on Wednesday. Willis told Politico Tuesday that Porter only sought a restraining order to prevent him from suing her and talking to the media. He sent 82 text messages during a 24-hour span in September, Porter said, and 55 on Nov. 12 before she blocked him from texting her. In her court filing, Porter included numerous screengrabs of text messages and emails that she said are from Willis to her, her children and colleagues. Willis, who is listed as a New Jersey resident in court documents, also allegedly attempted to extort Porter and spread false information about her, including false diagnoses of a sexually transmitted disease, to her family, journalists, and current and former coworkers, the congresswoman said. “Other threats have included statements that he will publicly humiliate me, ‘beat (me) down,’ bankrupt me, have harmful newspaper articles published about me, cause me to lose my job at UC Irvine, report me to Child Protective Services, remove my children from my custody and sue me for seven figures,” Porter alleged. “Julian has made it clear that he intends to cause significant harm to my professional reputation,” Porter said in her declaration. “His false allegations and threats to my co-workers have harmed our ability to work by creating repeated interruptions that my co-workers and I have found disruptive, concerning and threatening.” The restraining order covers Porter’s three children, who range in ages from 12 to 18 years old. Porter sought to add other adult family members to the restraining order, but the judge denied the request, saying adults not living in Porter’s home would need to request their own protective order. The order says Willis must remain at least 100 yards away from Porter and her children, their schools, Porter’s home, job and vehicle. It also says Willis cannot contact Porter’s current or former employees or co-workers to discuss Porter. Communication with government employees about other subjects, the judge said, is not prohibited by the temporary order. It’s specifically a “domestic violence restraining order,” which helps people who have been abused or threatened with abuse. “This is a very unfortunate situation,” Porter said in a statement. “Mr. Willis has suffered from well-documented mental health and substance abuse issues. As the records filed today show, those issues have gotten increasingly worse since I ended the relationship and asked him to leave my house. “In recent weeks, his threats against my family and my colleagues have escalated in both their frequency and intensity, and I feel I must ask for this order from the court. I sincerely hope he can get the help he needs.” Willis was involved in an altercation that occurred at Porter’s town hall event in Irvine in 2021. Far-right opponents disrupted the gathering, and a physical altercation broke out. Willis was cited and released for his actions during the altercation, and he was reportedly living at Porter’s Irvine home at the time. Having served three terms in Congress, Porter is set to leave at the end of this term after mounting an unsuccessful U.S. Senate bid rather than run for re-election this year. Still, her name ID is strong — she spent the days leading up to the general election campaigning for other House Democratic candidates — and she is rumored to be considering a bid for California’s governor in 2026. A recent survey conducted by researchers at USC, Cal State Long Beach and Cal Poly Pomona found that the Irvine Democrat was the favorite among 14% of respondents who were asked to pick between 13 people, declared and potential candidates for governor. For now, Porter has said she plans to resume teaching at UC Irvine Law next year while she weighs other options. If the judge does grant the permanent restraining order at the upcoming hearing, it can last up to five years, according to court filings. Related ArticlesUSA TODAY Writer Calls For President Biden To Cancel Thanksgiving

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