This photo shows bank ATM machines in Seoul, Dec. 25. Yonhap The ceiling on bank deposits guaranteed in case of bankruptcies will be raised from 50 million won ($34,000) to 100 million won sometime next year, the financial regulator said Monday. Last week, the National Assembly passed a bill on doubling the ceiling of bank deposits protected by law, which has been in place since 2001, to better reflect the growth of the country's economy. The revision will take effect within one year of promulgation. An alternative trading system (ATS) is also expected to set sail during the first half of next year for greater efficiency and convenience in the trading of securities, according to the Financial Services Commission (FSC). Should the country's first ATS be put in place, the country's stock exchange sector may undergo an overhaul. Currently, the Korea Exchange, launched in 1956, is the country's only national operator of the stock market. The regulator plans to resume stock short selling on March 31 after establishing a platform to monitor short selling that can help identify illegal transactions. Korea imposed a temporary ban on stock short selling in November 2023 after a series of naked short selling allegations were detected at several global investment banks in the country. The ban was originally set to be lifted before the start of July but has been extended until March 30. Short selling has been a contentious political issue in Korea, with retail investors often blaming the practice for driving stocks lower. (Yonhap)Winning approach: With just one defeat in 19 Old Firm derbies, Celtic boss Rodgers will stick with his tried and trusted method in bid for first silverware of the seasonNone
SAN DIEGO, Dec. 13, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Robbins LLP reminds stockholders that a shareholder filed a class action on behalf of all investors who purchased or otherwise acquired The Toronto-Dominion Bank (NYSE: TD) securities between February 29, 2024 and October 9, 2024. TD is an international bank, operating through four segments: Canadian Personal and Commercial Banking, U.S. Retail, Wealth Management and Insurance, and Wholesale Banking. For more information, submit a form , email attorney Aaron Dumas, Jr., or give us a call at (800) 350-6003. The Allegations: Robbins LLP is Investigating Allegations that The Toronto-Dominion Bank (TD) Misled Investors Regarding Compliance with its Anti-Money Laundering Program According to the complaint, defendants failed to disclose the issues surrounding TD's anti-money laundering ("AML") program employed to comply with the U.S. Bank Secrecy Act ("BSA"), the ability for defendants to "fix" those issues, and the punitive and remedial compliance measures likely to be imposed upon TD through the resolution of these investigation. Specifically, defendants concealed or otherwise minimized the significance of the failures of the Company’s AML program and made no indication that the imposition of an asset cap or other punitive or compliance measures would be imposed that would undermine TD’s continued growth for the foreseeable future. On October 10, 2024, TD unveiled the resolutions reached from a previously disclosed investigations related to its Bank Secrecy Act and Anti-Money Laundering compliance programs, which included, in addition to the punitive payment of $3.09 billion, both an asset cap, preventing TD’s U.S. subsidiaries from exceeding a collective $434 billion, a reflection of the Company’s assets as of September 30, 2024, and further subjects TD to more stringent approval processes for its product, service, and market rollouts. Further, the Department of Justice, in their own corresponding release, highlighted the significance of TD’s failures as “the largest bank in U.S. history to plead guilty to Bank Secrecy Act program failures, and the first US bank in history to plead guilty to conspiracy to commit money laundering.” On this news, the price of TD’s common stock fell from a closing market price of $63.51 per share on October 9, 2024, to $59.44 per share on October 10, 2024, and further to $57.01 on October 11, 2024, a decline of more than 10% in the span of just two days. What Now : You may be eligible to participate in the class action against The Toronto-Dominion Bank. Shareholders who want to serve as lead plaintiff for the class must submit their application to the court by December 23, 2024. A lead plaintiff is a representative party who acts on behalf of other class members in directing the litigation. You do not have to participate in the case to be eligible for a recovery. If you choose to take no action, you can remain an absent class member. For more information, click here . All representation is on a contingency fee basis. Shareholders pay no fees or expenses. About Robbins LLP : Some law firms issuing releases about this matter do not actually litigate securities class actions; Robbins LLP does. A recognized leader in shareholder rights litigation, the attorneys and staff of Robbins LLP have been dedicated to helping shareholders recover losses, improve corporate governance structures, and hold company executives accountable for their wrongdoing since 2002. Since our inception, we have obtained over $1 billion for shareholders. To be notified if a class action against The Toronto-Dominion Bank settles or to receive free alerts when corporate executives engage in wrongdoing, sign up for Stock Watch today. Attorney Advertising. Past results do not guarantee a similar outcome.Major powerhouses vow to spur economyThe state’s top road safety bureaucrat has rejected suggestions that new high-tech cameras that can catch wrongdoers on West Australian roads en masse are revenue-raisers. Road Safety Commissioner Adrian Warner joined Road Safety Minister David Michael on Monday to announce the rollout of the six mobile cameras from Australia Day. Road Safety Commissioner Adrian Warner and Road Safety Minister David Michael. The smart cameras, leased for five years at a cost of $22 million, can easily spot motorists using their phones or driving without a seatbelt and will be deployed to deter the behaviours that make up a large reason for so many of the fatalities on WA roads. A camera pointed at just one lane on the Kwinana Freeway near Salter Point last month spotted more than 6300 people using their mobiles while driving, and 5100 not wearing their seatbelts. Had that camera been used to issue fines, it could have netted the Road Trauma Trust account anywhere from $5 million to $10 million, depending on the severity of the offences. The rollout of the new cameras will coincide with a three-month grace period where motorists breaking the law will be issues with a caution instead of a fine. Warner said this demonstrated the cameras were not about revenue-raising, but changing behaviours. “It’s anything but revenue raising, that’s why we’re doing caution notices,” he said. “This is about drivers changing their behaviour. We have a culture problem. We need to address it, and these cameras are the first step in doing that.” Warner said 99 per cent of people wore seatbelts, but 20 per cent of people who died in crashes weren’t wearing seatbelts. Loading “That should tell you something,” he said. The announcement comes as WA records its worst road toll in almost 10 years, with 182 deaths. Michael said in this context now was the time for the technology to become a vital and permanent tool to be used across the state. “The message is clear and simple: these cameras are coming, slow down, buckle up and put your phone away,” he said. Start the day with a summary of the day’s most important and interesting stories, analysis and insights. Sign up for our Morning Edition newsletter . Save Log in , register or subscribe to save articles for later. License this article Road safety Roads Hamish Hastie is WAtoday's state political reporter and the winner of five WA Media Awards, including the 2023 Beck Prize for best political journalism. Connect via Twitter or email . Most Viewed in Politics Loading
No. 13 Duke 73, No. 9 Kansas St. 62Gold is heading for one of its biggest annual gains this century, with a 27 per cent advance that’s been fuelled by US monetary easing, sustained geopolitical risks and a wave of purchases by central banks. While bullion has ticked lower since Donald Trump’s sweeping victory in November’s US presidential election, its gains over 2024 still outstrip most other commodities. Base metals have had a mixed year, while iron ore has tumbled and lithium’s woes have deepened. The varied performances over 2024 highlight the absence of a single, over-riding driver that’s steered the complex’s fortunes, while also putting the spotlight on how metals, both base and precious, may fare next year. For 2025, investors are focused on uncertainty around US monetary policy, potential frictions from Trump’s presidency, and China’s efforts to revive growth. Gold’s strong gains this year — which have seen the metal set a succession of records — may signal a possible shift in the market’s dynamics given they have come despite a stronger US dollar and rising real Treasury yields, both typically headwinds. The precious metal has been “as remarkable as it’s been relentless, making it my biggest market surprise of 2024,” David Scutt, an analyst at StoneX Group said in a note. “The gold game looks to have changed.” Other metals have struggled in large part because of China’s prolonged economic slowdown. The LMEX Index of six metals on the London Metal Exchange is on track for a modest annual gain, with softer Chinese demand offset by flashes of supply stress — especially in copper and zinc — that may linger into 2025. Iron ore has slumped as weak construction activity plunged China’s steel industry, the world’s biggest, into crisis mode with little relief in sight. Futures in Singapore are down about 28 per cent over 2024. Lithium — used to make batteries — is on track for a second steep annual decline as a serious and ongoing global supply glut was compounded by turbulence for the electric-vehicle industry. Bloomberg
LAS VEGAS (AP) — Formula 1 on Monday at last said it will expand its grid in 2026 to make room for an American team that is partnered with General Motors. “As the pinnacle of motorsports, F1 demands boundary-pushing innovation and excellence. It’s an honor for General Motors and Cadillac to join the world’s premier racing series, and we’re committed to competing with passion and integrity to elevate the sport for race fans around the world," GM President Mark Reuss said. "This is a global stage for us to demonstrate GM’s engineering expertise and technology leadership at an entirely new level.” The approval ends years of wrangling that launched a U.S. Justice Department investigation into why Colorado-based Liberty Media, the commercial rights holder of F1, would not approve the team initially started by Michael Andretti. Andretti in September stepped aside from leading his namesake organization, so the 11th team will be called Cadillac F1 and be run by new Andretti Global majority owners Dan Towriss and Mark Walter. The team will use Ferrari engines its first two years until GM has a Cadillac engine built for competition in time for the 2028 season. Towriss is the the CEO and president of Group 1001 and entered motorsports via Andretti's IndyCar team when he signed on financial savings platform Gainbridge as a sponsor. Towriss is now a major part of the motorsports scene with ownership stakes in both Spire Motorsports' NASCAR team and Wayne Taylor Racing's sports car team. Walter is the chief executive of financial services firm Guggenheim Partners and the controlling owner of both the World Series champion Los Angeles Dodgers and Premier League club Chelsea. “We’re excited to partner with General Motors in bringing a dynamic presence to Formula 1," Towriss said. “Together, we’re assembling a world-class team that will embody American innovation and deliver unforgettable moments to race fans around the world.” Mario Andretti, the 1978 F1 world champion, will have an ambassador role with Cadillac F1. But his son, Michael, will have no official position with the organization now that he has scaled back his involvement with Andretti Global. “The Cadillac F1 Team is made up of a strong group of people that have worked tirelessly to build an American works team,” Michael Andretti posted on social media. “I’m very proud of the hard work they have put in and congratulate all involved on this momentous next step. I will be cheering for you!” The approval has been in works for weeks but was held until after last weekend's Las Vegas Grand Prix to not overshadow the showcase event of the Liberty Media portfolio. Max Verstappen won his fourth consecutive championship in Saturday night's race, the third and final stop in the United States for the top motorsports series in the world. Grid expansion in F1 is both infrequent and often unsuccessful. Four teams were granted entries in 2010 that should have pushed the grid to 13 teams and 26 cars for the first time since 1995. One team never made it to the grid and the other three had vanished by 2017. There is only one American team on the current F1 grid — owned by California businessman Gene Haas — but it is not particularly competitive and does not field American drivers. Andretti’s dream was to field a truly American team with American drivers. The fight to add this team has been going on for three-plus years and F1 initially denied the application despite approval from F1 sanctioning body FIA . The existing 10 teams, who have no voice in the matter, also largely opposed expansion because of the dilution in prize money and the billions of dollars they’ve already invested in the series. Andretti in 2020 tried and failed to buy the existing Sauber team. From there, he applied for grid expansion and partnered with GM, the top-selling manufacturer in the United States. The inclusion of GM was championed by the FIA and president Mohammed Ben Sulayem, who said Michael Andretti’s application was the only one of seven applicants to meet all required criteria to expand F1’s current grid. “General Motors is a huge global brand and powerhouse in the OEM world and is working with impressive partners," Ben Sulayem said Monday. "I am fully supportive of the efforts made by the FIA, Formula 1, GM and the team to maintain dialogue and work towards this outcome of an agreement in principle to progress this application." Despite the FIA's acceptance of Andretti and General Motors from the start, F1 wasn't interested in Andretti — but did want GM. At one point, F1 asked GM to find another team to partner with besides Andretti. GM refused and F1 said it would revisit the Andretti application if and when Cadillac had an engine ready to compete. “Formula 1 has maintained a dialogue with General Motors, and its partners at TWG Global, regarding the viability of an entry following the commercial assessment and decision made by Formula 1 in January 2024,” F1 said in a statement. “Over the course of this year, they have achieved operational milestones and made clear their commitment to brand the 11th team GM/Cadillac, and that GM will enter as an engine supplier at a later time. Formula 1 is therefore pleased to move forward with this application process." Yet another major shift in the debate over grid expansion occurred earlier this month with the announced resignation of Liberty Media CEO Greg Maffei, who was largely believed to be one of the biggest opponents of the Andretti entry. “With Formula 1’s continued growth plans in the US, we have always believed that welcoming an impressive US brand like GM/Cadillac to the grid and GM as a future power unit supplier could bring additional value and interest to the sport," Maffei said. "We credit the leadership of General Motors and their partners with significant progress in their readiness to enter Formula 1." AP auto racing: https://apnews.com/hub/auto-racingWALL, S.D. — Jim Boensch points out a number of switches and lights on a nearby electronic console. He gives a detailed rundown of what each does as well as gives a demonstration of an ear-piercing alarm. Everything seems to be operating just as it should. He nods and then turns to the others in the room and prepares to proceed. ADVERTISEMENT “OK,” he says with a stark calmness. “Let’s jump into World War III.” Thankfully, there is no danger of nuclear annihilation on the horizon. Boensch, a retired Air Force major, is in the underground Delta-1 Launch Control Facility at the Minuteman Missile National Historic Site just a short drive down Interstate 90 from Wall in western South Dakota. The equipment he is demonstrating is all era-accurate and authentic, though decommissioned, and was one of 15 such facilities in the state that once stood guard every second of every day in the event the president of the United States issued an order for a nuclear strike against a foreign enemy. With the late 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union, the chief nuclear rival of the United States, the need for the Delta-1 site and its South Dakota sister facilities became less crucial, and with the exception of the one near Wall, all were decommissioned and destroyed. “This is the last pair of this type in the world. There are no more,” Boensch told the Mitchell Republic during a tour of the grounds earlier this year, referring to the underground launch station and a deactivated missile silo just a few miles away. “They blew up the launch tubes and sold the land back. 149 of 150 missiles are gone.” Once part of the 44th Strategic Missile Wing at Ellsworth Air Force Base, the site now serves as a museum, open to tours to the public and dedicated to the history of the Cold War and the role South Dakota and the Great Plains states played in the conflict. It is a chance to see the last remnants of the state’s nuclear Minuteman Missile fields. In 1985, if South Dakota had been ranked apart from the United States based on the number of nuclear warheads located within its borders, the 150 warheads on the Minuteman Missiles would have ranked the state sixth in the world. That would place it right behind China with 243. It had more nuclear warheads than India, Pakistan, Israel, North Korea and South Africa combined. ADVERTISEMENT When the United States dropped a pair of atomic bombs on Japan in 1944, it hastened the close of World War II. With Nazi Germany already defeated in Europe, the world breathed a sigh of relief as its armies, navies and air forces were recalled home and the conflict began to recede into the history books. Though the United States and Soviet Union were allies and on the same victorious side during World War II, a division in military aims and ideology soon began to widen between the superpowers. By 1949, the Soviet Union developed its own nuclear technology, and a decades-long arms race kicked off, with both countries building large nuclear arsenals that threatened to destroy the other side. Intercontinental ballistic nuclear missiles were part of those arsenals. Able to be launched at a moment’s notice and fly thousands of miles to deliver an atomic warhead payload on the enemy, the Minuteman Missiles were among the first developed by the United States as part of its “nuclear triad,” a series of nuclear warhead delivery methods that, along with the missiles, included missiles launched from submarines and bombs delivered by heavy bombers. When the United States was looking for a place to establish those nuclear missile launch sites, they turned to a region in the Great Plains that included South Dakota, North Dakota, Wyoming and Montana. “Most of them were in the middle part of the United States, up north. These missiles would go over the North Pole, and it shortened the distance to your targets without having to build bigger missiles that would be required if you put them down in Texas or Florida,” Boensch said. The United States struck deals with local landowners, and by 1963 the first silos in South Dakota were active. Over their service life those silos housed the Minuteman I and II series of missiles, the second iteration of which could carry a 1.2 megaton warhead capable of delivering the equivalent devastation of 1.2 million tons of TNT with a range of 7,500 miles. That allowed it to strike virtually any target on Earth. Each one carried 66 times the power of the bomb dropped on Hiroshima, Japan, a bomb that killed 144,000 people. There were 150 such missiles within South Dakota’s borders. Always at the ready, the missiles were never used and were removed from active status in 1991 before being completely removed later in the early 1990s. Congress established the Minuteman Missile National Historic Site in 1999, the legislation for which was passed after a bill to establish the site was introduced in 1998 by Senators Tom Daschle and Tim Johnson. ADVERTISEMENT Though now more than a quarter century removed from service, the Delta-01 launch facility, and its nearby companion historic site, the Delta-9 Missile Silo, appears much as it did when it was active. During its service, access to the facility was strictly controlled, but the existence of the missiles and even their locations were not top secret. Local residents were aware of the nature of their neighbors, and even the Soviet Union were keen as to where they were located. That was by design, said Boensch, who works as an education technician at the Minuteman Missile National Historic Site. “We were a deterrent force. To have a good deterrent, you have to have a really great weapon, so from the other side they know you’ve got it and they know you can use it,” Boensch said. “It was no secret. All you had to do was follow the power line out to the middle of nowhere and you had a missile.” The launch facility appears as a relatively small, unremarkable low-slung building surrounded by a chain link fence and gate. A basketball hoop stands just inside the fencing. Entering the building takes one into a receiving area, where missile crews, which were swapped out after every 24 hour shift, would be vetted and checked in. Through one door in that area, toward the back of the building, is a living area that housed facility personnel, including security. Preserved much as it was during its most recent active period, it features a lounge area with a television, a small dining area, kitchen and sleeping quarters for those on-site. Space is limited, the accommodations simple but comfortable. For the most part, it does not resemble a military facility. ADVERTISEMENT It is through a second door in the receiving area that the perception changes. There, an elevator with highly controlled access leads to the underground bunker that housed the actual launch controls for the missiles at their command. A brief elevator ride descends approximately 30 feet to reveal a dark, concrete bunker area. A few meters ahead, a 16,000 pound blast door that sealed the missileers from the outside world is propped open. In a display of tongue-in-cheek humor, a mock Domino’s Pizza box has been painted on the front with the slogan “Worldwide delivery in 30 minutes or less or your next one is free.” Squeezing past the blast door brings visitors into a brightly-lit room full of vintage equipment that was crucial to launch operations. Low frequency and satellite communication systems line the walls, and a pair of chairs bolted to slide rails gave personnel a station from which to tend to it all while remaining strapped in securely. Simple sleeping bunks with a curtain grace the opposite wall. Staff in the bunker drilled regularly for a number of different scenarios, including launches. But even with constant training, there was a lot of downtime below ground. Boensch said many missileers would spend their time reading textbooks, preparing for exams. “We read. About half of us got our master’s degree. It was a great place to study. And I had two little girls back at the base. I wanted to play with them when I got off duty (and not study),” Boensch said. Studying aside, they were also prepared in the event of a nuclear emergency. There is no one button to launch the missiles. Once a confirmed launch order was received, each missileer turned a key from their stations, which were about 12 feet apart. Each key had to be turned within two seconds of each other, which prevented any one person from initiating a launch without the other. ADVERTISEMENT On one wall is a small red metal lock box with two combination padlocks. Like the two-person key launch system, the padlocks are another safeguard against any single person going rogue and attempting an unauthorized launch on their own. Both people had to be in agreement to open the box. “Why in the world would you need a safe up here inside this bank vault? With two locks on it, you did not know the combination of your partner’s locks. You were the only person in the world that knew your opening combination. Trust was a very hard thing to come by when you’re dealing with nuclear weapons. You’ve got to be absolutely sure,” Boensch said. The box contained materials for authenticating communications to make sure any such launch order received was authorized by the president of the United States or their successor. The content of those authenticators is still classified to this day. The actual launch keys were also inside the box. Things begin to move quickly once the lock box is opened. “We lay our keys down on this cabinet. We pick the right one. We do this independently of the other person,” Boensch said. “We go through whatever procedures we do to authenticate the message. Once we agree it is a valid and authentic message, we’re going to war. Nuclear war. And we don’t have a lot of time to do this.” The hours of practice and drills kick in. The pair are now almost on autopilot, having ceaselessly trained for this exact moment. Each missileer inserts their launch key into the receptacle at their station. They strap their seatbelts on. At the end of the countdown sequence, both turn their keys. At that point, missile silos like the Delta-9 site preserved a few miles down the road, move into action. The door at the top of the silo is flung off, revealing the weapon underneath. ADVERTISEMENT “An explosive squib fires, dragging that whole thing into a recess in that 12-foot diameter launch tube, getting it out of the way of the missile. About the same time, two Howitzer shell-like gas generators drive a piston tied to a pulley down, rolling that massive 180,000-pound door sideways to the south, rolling on 18-inch steel wheels,” Boensch said. “It clears that tube in less than three seconds.” Moments after the launch order is received, a Minuteman Missile is airborne and bound for its target. World War III has begun. Boensch and his fellow Air Force colleagues never had to take those fateful steps to actually launch a nuclear missile. Cool heads and world-saving diplomacy eventually won the day, and with the collapse of the Soviet Union, a nuclear deterrent on the Cold War scale was no longer needed. The missile fields in South Dakota were decommissioned and destroyed, with the exception of the facilities at which Boensch and his colleagues give tours to the public. Modern land-based missile facilities are still a part of the United States’ defense forces, with locations still maintained in North Dakota, Montana and Wyoming. The Cold War may be over, but the need for a nuclear deterrent remains, Boensch said. Geopolitical winds can shift, and leadership changes at the national level can alter defense priorities. Regardless of election results, the safety of America remains paramount, Boensch said. In addition to the current modern land-based missile silos and submarine-based nuclear weapons, the Air Force is expected to purchase 100 new B-21 Raider bombers, the first of which will be hosted at Ellsworth Air Force Base. The new bomber, which will complement the current fleet of B1 and B2 bombers, represents a generational leap as a dual nuclear and conventionally capable, stealth, penetrating, long-range strike platform, according to a release from the Air Force. “I think regardless of what political party is in charge, I think everybody realizes it’s a necessity,” Boensch said. Once a domain strictly off-limits to the general public, the Minuteman Missile National Historic Site now welcomes them with open arms to share the story of the sentinels on the prairie that assured America’s enemies any attack would be met by an equal, if not greater, force in return. Nearly 100,000 people visited the site in 2020. Some of those are fellow veterans that Boensch gets to interact with, sharing his stories and listening to theirs. It also offers him a chance to reflect on his own service and the service of his fellow missileers, most of which were no older than their mid-20s when they were stationed here. The technology and procedures are indeed fascinating, but in the end, the life or death actions came at the hand of missileers with a pair of small brass keys. There was no glory in the role, just a call to serve their country and to be at the forefront of protecting it should it come under attack. “I had to do some heavy thinking on what I really valued in life, what I really considered important. And I think service is the real reason why we’re here. I really do,” Boensch said. “But it’s just so rewarding to shake the hands of these people. And the folks who never served, too.” The Minuteman Missile National Historic Site is open to tours to the public. More information on the facilities and tours can be found at www.nps.gov/mimi/index.htm or by calling 605-433-5552.None
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Springboks crush hapless Wales 54-12It was easier to take a charge back then, and Steven Ashworth tried as often as he could. Every day was a competition in practice for Utah State’s freshman point guards, Ashworth and Rollie Worster. They came from different backgrounds. Ashworth was a knockdown shooter. Worster, once a high school quarterback, was bigger and burlier. But the skinny Ashworth had timing and willingness to take a hit from Worster’s 6-foot-3, 200-pound frame. It was a common sight and emblematic of their contrasting approaches challenging one another, forcing development. Creighton's Steven Ashworth (1) goes up for a 3-pointer against Tennessee's Zakai Zeigler (5) during an NCAA Tournament game last March. Worster and Ashworth were only teammates for one season, which ended in the first round of the NCAA tournament. Four years, three trips into the transfer portal and 188 games later, their paths again converge in Omaha on Friday, likely for the last time in their college careers as Worster’s Nebraska plays Ashworth’s Creighton at 7 p.m. inside CHI Health Center. People are also reading... “You always hear it’s a small world," Worster said, 'but especially in athletics it’s really small." Said Ashworth: “Obviously, we’ve followed each other’s careers, and we started off together in the same spot then went our separate ways. But a lot of respect for him and his game, and (I’m) excited to see him on Friday.” Worster came to Utah State as the two-time Montana Gatorade Player of the Year. Ashworth, originally from Lone Peak, Utah, had just finished a two-year mission in Indianapolis for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. He progressed rapidly over the course of his freshman season, settling back in the daily grind of basketball. Rarely did they share the floor during games. Of Utah State’s 10 most used lineups that season, two of them included both, according to KenPom. The combinations added up to 6% of the Aggies’ total minutes. With Ashworth on the court, the Aggies often pushed the pace. Worster was slower, more methodical. But Worster got an up-close look at Ashworth from playing on opposite teams in practice and watching when Ashworth ran the offense. Worster tried to learn from his teammate’s shooting ability. He watched the way Ashworth moved when he had the ball, the high basketball IQ of someone who was small even by Mountain West point guard standards. “Some nights were my night, some nights were his, and I think just being able to grow from each other,” Worster said. “We both had freshman mistakes and a little bit different playing styles, but I think just to see how you watch everyone play and pick up on things or see things that maybe you do or don’t do that you can get better at.” Nebraska's Rollie Worster (24) shoots a layup while defended by Texas Rio Grande Valley's Marshal Destremau (left) and Trey Miller (right) on Nov. 4 at Pinnacle Bank Arena. The Aggies made the NCAA tournament as an 11 seed, falling to Texas Tech in Bloomington, Indiana, an hour from where Ashworth had completed his mission. Then they scattered. USU coach Craig Smith, a former Nebraska assistant, took a new job at the University of Utah. Worster joined Smith while Ashworth played at Utah State for another two years, leaving for Creighton after the 2022-23 season. Life, in Utah and Nebraska, has gone on for both. Worster transferred to Nebraska in April to finish his college career at his third school. Ashworth is now married and has a son. They’ve stayed in occasional contact in the four years since, sometimes running into each other in Utah airports. Friday will serve a full-circle moment, one more connection to their previous lives. “We’ve talked a little bit,” Worster said. “We’re rivals now so it’s a little different, but I just wish him the best success going forward.” Photos: Nebraska men's basketball vs. Fairleigh-Dickinson — Nov. 13 Nebraska's Sam Hoiberg (right) loses control of the ball while guarded by Fairleigh Dickinson's Jameel Morris (1) during the second half of the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Rollie Worster (right) shoots against Fairleigh Dickinson's Jo'el Emanuel (13) during the first half of the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Brice Williams (3), Rollie Worster (24) and Sam Hoiberg (1) defend a shot by Fairleigh Dickinson's Terrence Brown (2) during the first half of the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. A foul was called on Nebraska during the play. Nebraska's Cale Jacobsen (center) runs out onto the court before the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Brice Williams (3) waits for his name to be called during lineup announcements before the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Williams shaved his beard since the last game. Nebraska's Cale Jacobsen (left) celebrates a 3-pointer by his teammate during the second half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Juwan Gary (right) shoots while guarded by Fairleigh Dickinson's Jo'el Emanuel (13) on Wednesday at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska fan Brenda John, of Lincoln, wears a corncob shirt as she cheers during the first half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Andrew Morgan (23) shoots the ball while defended by Fairleigh Dickinson's Jacob Warren (35) during the first half of the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Sam Hoiberg (1) and Cale Jacobsen (31) celebrate a point during the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Brice Williams (3) shoots a 3-pointer during the first half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Brice Williams (3) shoots a free-throw during the first half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Ahron Ulis (2), Andrew Morgan (23) and Gavin Griffiths (12) wait for play to resume after a timeout during the second half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Sam Hoiberg (1) celebrates during the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Sam Hoiberg (left) shoots a layup while defended by Fairleigh Dickinson's Bismark Nsiah (7) during the first half of the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Berke Büyüktuncel (9) shoots the ball while guarded by Fairleigh Dickinson's Josiah Francis (15) during the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Cale Jacobsen (31) shoots the ball during the first half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska assistant coach Nate Loenser (left) speaks to Berke Büyüktuncel (9) during the second half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Fairleigh Dickinson's Cameron Tweedy (21) knocks the ball loose from Nebraska's Ahron Ulis (2) during the second half of the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Berke Büyüktuncel (9) celebrates during the second half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Brice Williams (3) shoots the ball during the second half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska head coach Fred Hoiberg watches his team play during the second half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Sam Hoiberg (1) drives to the basket while guarded by Fairleigh Dickinson's Jacob Warren (35) during the second half of the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Henry Burt (35) goes up for a shot against Fairleigh Dickinson's Ahmed Barba-Bey (8) during the second half of the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Jeffrey Grace III (8) shoots the ball over Fairleigh Dickinson's Jacob Warren (35) during the second half of the game on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Jeffrey Grace III (8) looks back and reacts at his bench after being fouled during the second half of the game against FDU on Wednesday, Nov. 13, 2024, at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Nebraska's Cale Jacobsen (31) drives to the basket during the second half of the game against Farleigh Dickinson on Wednesday at Pinnacle Bank Arena. Subscribe for the best Husker news & commentary Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!It’s that time of the year when everyone starts planning on where they’ll watch the fireworks – but authorities are warning Aussies to stick to enjoying the planned events across the country or risk thousands of dollars of fines. Revellers are being are being urged leave fireworks to the professionals and stick to legal public fireworks displays. While every state and territory have their own rules, fireworks remain illegal across most of the country. People are also reminded that a licence is required to purchase or use fireworks in NSW. Anyone caught selling, buying, storing, transporting or setting off fireworks within the state without authorisation could be fined up to $27,500 and 12 months behind bars. Assistant Commission Peter McKenna said illegal fireworks can result in serious injury, damage to property and/or fire. “We want everyone to enjoy their New Year’s Eve celebrations in a safe and responsible way,” he said. “Police will not tolerate dangerous, criminal or anti-social behaviour.” SafeWork NSW, which is the licensing regulator for fireworks, will also be ensuring firework operators have the correct pyrotechnicians licence or a fireworks licence to purchase, use, store, manufacture, supply and transport fireworks during the festive season. “As we bring in the New Year, we all need to stay safe and keep the community harm-free when handling Fireworks,” head of SafeWork NSW, Trent Curtin, said. “Fireworks can be extremely harmful and may lead to death if handled incorrectly. Ensure you’re keeping your friends and family safe by not risking anyone with illegal displays this holiday season and don’t get caught with a fine for illegal fireworks during your New Year’s celebrations. “We currently have over one hundred displays planned for New Year’s Eve across the state, with numbers increasing each day. “SafeWork NSW has zero tolerance for illegal activity when handling fireworks. “Only those with either a pyrotechnician or single use licence are allowed.” Victorian Police will also be monitoring illegal fireworks across the state, after more than 60 incidents which resulted in a number of serious injuries and fires were recorded last year. Alongside the risk of serious injury or death, fireworks are unpredictable and volatile items that can result in fires, as well as causing substantial property damage and serious injuries to those in the area. Those caught with illegal fireworks can face a prison sentence of up to five years and thousands of dollars in fines. “We are well prepared for New Year’s Eve with thousands of officers working right across the state to ensure it’s a safe and enjoyable night for all,” North West Metro Region Superintendent Troy Papworth said. “From the roads to railway stations, foreshores to key regional areas, there will be an around-the-clock, highly visible police presence right across the state. “We will have a particular focus on the city, to ensure the hundreds of thousands of people coming in to see the fireworks display are safe. “As always, we urge those celebrating to enjoy themselves responsibly.” Meanwhile, in the sunshine state Queenslanders could face fines of more than $52,000, and six months in prison for those who are not licenced operators. Queensland Police Acting Superintendent Jason Tuffley said officers will be conducting patrols across the state. “Anyone caught breaching these rules face fines or being charged with an offence,” he said. Queenslanders who are aware of anyone selling or using fireworks illegally are urged to report it to Policelink by calling 131 444. Meanwhile, if you’re caught using illegal fireworks in South Australia you can face a maximum fine of $5000. In Western Australia, the public are allowed to use throwdowns and sparklers but use of any illegal fireworks could result in thousands of dollars in fines. However, you can legally purchase fireworks as an adult in the Northern Territory. But you’ll have to wait until Territory Day in July to set them off. Meaning, any illegal New Year’s Eve fireworks in the Top End are still subject to penalties and fines of $1850.
By BILL BARROW, Associated Press ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.Columbia Financial, Inc. Announces Appointment of New Senior Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer