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2025-01-13
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lodibet com login download IPL 2025 Mega Auction: Top 5 Overseas Players To Watch Out ForBy JOSH BOAK WASHINGTON (AP) — Donald Trump loved to use tariffs on foreign goods during his first presidency. But their impact was barely noticeable in the overall economy, even if their aftershocks were clear in specific industries. The data show they never fully delivered on his promised factory jobs. Nor did they provoke the avalanche of inflation that critics feared. This time, though, his tariff threats might be different . The president-elect is talking about going much bigger — on a potential scale that creates more uncertainty about whether he’ll do what he says and what the consequences could be. “There’s going to be a lot more tariffs, I mean, he’s pretty clear,” said Michael Stumo, the CEO of Coalition for a Prosperous America, a group that has supported import taxes to help domestic manufacturing. The president-elect posted on social media Monday that on his first day in office he would impose 25% tariffs on all goods imported from Mexico and Canada until those countries satisfactorily stop illegal immigration and the flow of illegal drugs such as fentanyl into the United States. Those tariffs could essentially blow up the North American trade pact that Trump’s team negotiated during his initial term. Chinese imports would face additional tariffs of 10% until Beijing cracks down on the production of materials used in making fentanyl, Trump posted. Business groups were quick to warn about rapidly escalating inflation , while Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum said she would counter the move with tariffs on U.S. products. House Democrats put together legislation to strip a president’s ability to unilaterally apply tariffs this drastic, warning that they would likely lead to higher prices for autos, shoes, housing and groceries. Sheinbaum said Wednesday that her administration is already working up a list of possible retaliatory tariffs “if the situation comes to that.” “The economy department is preparing it,” Sheinbaum said. “If there are tariffs, Mexico would increase tariffs, it is a technical task about what would also benefit Mexico,” she said, suggesting her country would impose targeted import duties on U.S. goods in sensitive areas. Related Articles House Democrats on Tuesday introduced a bill that would require congressional approval for a president to impose tariffs due to claims of a national emergency, a largely symbolic action given Republicans’ coming control of both the House and Senate. “This legislation would enable Congress to limit this sweeping emergency authority and put in place the necessary Congressional oversight before any president – Democrat or Republican – could indiscriminately raise costs on the American people through tariffs,” said Rep. Suzan DelBene, D-Wash. But for Trump, tariffs are now a tested tool that seems less politically controversial even if the mandate he received in November’s election largely involved restraining inflation. The tariffs he imposed on China in his first term were continued by President Joe Biden, a Democrat who even expanded tariffs and restrictions on the world’s second largest economy. Biden administration officials looked at removing Trump’s tariffs in order to bring down inflationary pressures, only to find they were unlikely to help significantly. Tariffs were “so new and unique that it freaked everybody out in 2017,” said Stumo, but they were ultimately somewhat modest. Trump imposed tariffs on solar panels and washing machines at the start of 2018, moves that might have pushed up prices in those sectors even though they also overlapped with plans to open washing machine plants in Tennessee and South Carolina. His administration also levied tariffs on steel and aluminum, including against allies. He then increased tariffs on China, leading to a trade conflict and a limited 2020 agreement that failed to produce the promised Chinese purchases of U.S. goods. Still, the dispute changed relations with China as more U.S. companies looked for alternative suppliers in other countries. Economic research also found the United States may have sacrificed some of its “soft power” as the Chinese population began to watch fewer American movies. The Federal Reserve kept inflation roughly on target, but factory construction spending never jumped in a way that suggested a lasting gain in manufacturing jobs. Separate economic research found the tariff war with China did nothing economically for the communities hurt by offshoring, but it did help Trump and Republicans in those communities politically. When Trump first became president in 2017, the federal government collected $34.6 billion in customs, duties and fees. That sum more than doubled under Trump to $70.8 billion in 2019, according to Office of Management and Budget records. While that sum might seem meaningful, it was relatively small compared to the overall economy. America’s gross domestic product is now $29.3 trillion, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. The total tariffs collected in the United States would equal less than 0.3% of GDP. The new tariffs being floated by Trump now are dramatically larger and there could be far more significant impacts. If Mexico, Canada, and China faced the additional tariffs proposed by Trump on all goods imported to the United States, that could be roughly equal to $266 billion in tax collections, a number that does not assume any disruptions in trade or retaliatory moves by other countries. The cost of those taxes would likely be borne by U.S. families, importers and domestic and foreign companies in the form of higher prices or lower profits. Former Biden administration officials said they worried that companies could piggyback on Trump’s tariffs — if they’re imposed — as a rationale to raise their prices, just as many companies after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 boosted food and energy costs and gave several major companies the space to raise prices, according to their own earnings calls with investors. But what Trump didn’t really spell out is what might cause him to back down on tariffs and declare a victory. What he is creating instead with his tariff threats is a sense of uncertainty as companies and countries await the details to figure out what all of this could mean. “We know the key economic policy priorities of the incoming Trump administration, but we don’t know how or when they will be addressed,” said Greg Daco, chief U.S. economist at EY-Parthenon. AP writer Mark Stevenson contributed to this report from Mexico City.LCNB stock touches 52-week high at $17.3 amid robust growth

Boxing Day shopper footfall was down 7.9% from last year across all UK retail destinations up until 5pm, MRI Software’s OnLocation Footfall Index found. However, this year’s data had been compared with an unusual spike in footfall as 2023 was the first “proper Christmas” period without Covid-19 pandemic restrictions, an analyst at the retail technology company said. It found £4.6 billion will be spent overall on the festive sales. Before the pandemic the number of Boxing Day shoppers on the streets had been declining year on year. The last uplift recorded by MRI was in 2015. Jenni Matthews, marketing and insights director at MRI Software, told the PA news agency: “We’ve got to bear in mind that (last year) was our first proper Christmas without any (Covid-19) restrictions or limitations. “Figures have come out that things have stabilised, we’re almost back to what we saw pre-pandemic.” There were year-on-year declines in footfall anywhere between 5% and 12% before Covid-19 restrictions, she said. MRI found 12% fewer people were out shopping on Boxing Day in 2019 than in 2018, and there were 3% fewer in 2018 than in 2017, Ms Matthews added. She said: “It’s the shift to online shopping, it’s the convenience, you’ve got the family days that take place on Christmas Day and Boxing Day.” People are also increasingly stocking-up before Christmas, Ms Matthews said, and MRI found an 18% increase in footfall at all UK retail destinations on Christmas Eve this year compared with 2023. Ms Matthews said: “We see the shops are full of people all the way up to Christmas Eve, so they’ve probably got a couple of good days of food, goodies, everything that they need, and they don’t really need to go out again until later on in that week. “We did see that big boost on Christmas Eve. It looks like shoppers may have concentrated much of their spending in that pre-Christmas rush.” Many online sales kicked off between December 23 and the night of Christmas Day and “a lot of people would have grabbed those bargains from the comfort of their own home”, she said. She added: “I feel like it’s becoming more and more common that people are grabbing the bargains pre-Christmas.” Footfall is expected to rise on December 27 as people emerge from family visits and shops re-open, including Next, Marks and Spencer and John Lewis that all shut for Boxing Day. It will also be payday for some as it is the last Friday of the month. A study by Barclays Consumer Spend had forecast that shoppers would spend £236 each on average in the Boxing Day sales this year, but that the majority of purchases would be made online. Nearly half of respondents said the cost-of-living crisis will affect their post-Christmas shopping but the forecast average spend is still £50 more per person than it was before the pandemic, with some of that figure because of inflation, Barclays said. Amid the financial pressures, many people are planning to buy practical, perishable and essential items such as food and kitchenware. A total of 65% of shoppers are expecting to spend the majority of their sales budget online. Last year, Barclays found 63.9% of Boxing Day retail purchases were made online. However, a quarter of respondents aim to spend mostly in store – an 11% rise compared with last year. Karen Johnson, head of retail at Barclays, said: “Despite the ongoing cost-of-living pressures, it is encouraging to hear that consumers will be actively participating in the post-Christmas sales. “This year, we’re likely to see a shift towards practicality and sustainability, with more shoppers looking to bag bargains on kitchen appliances and second-hand goods.” Consumers choose in-store shopping largely because they enjoy the social aspect and touching items before they buy, Barclays said, adding that high streets and shopping centres are the most popular destinations.Taylor Swift, Travis Kelce hosted Jason Kelce’s family for Thanksgiving, report says

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As a smooth-talking media and political pundit, Colman Domingo ’s Muncie Daniels is used to commenting on politics and the news — not becoming the news — in The Madness . However, his fate will quickly change for the worse when we meet him in the new series. When the CNN personality discovers the dead body of a white supremacist in the woods near where he’s staying in the Poconos, he winds up in the crosshairs of law enforcement and possibly framed for murder — and even his lawyer friend Kwesi (Deon Cole) warns the silver-tongued Muncie, “You’re not going to be able to talk your way out of this.... They are going to pin all this on you.” In this paranoia-inducing Netflix thriller, Daniels finds himself in the middle of a sprawling conspiracy that delves into the darkest corners of society and explores the intersections between the wealthy and powerful, the alt-right, and other fringe movements. “[The series] is examining the climate we’re in right now,” Domingo teased to TV Insider. “Who sows those seeds of disinformation? Who’s puppeteering all of this?” To clear his name, Muncie must figure out whether to trust FBI agent Franco Quiñones (John Ortiz) and reconnect with his working-class, activist roots in Philadelphia while reuniting with his family, which includes teenage son Demetrius (Thaddeus J. Mixson), estranged wife Elena (Marsha Stephanie Blake), and daughter Kallie (Gabrielle Graham) from a previous relationship. “He’s trying to solve a crime,” creator Stephen Belber previews, “but at the same time he’s trying to solve something inside of himself.” To find out what else we should know about the new thrill ride, we spoke to The Color Purple and Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom star Colman Domingo — who played Victor Strand on Fear the Walking Dead for eight seasons, won an Emmy for Euphoria , and was nominated for a 2024 Oscar for the civil rights drama Rustin — about the bind in which Muncie finds himself in The Madness , the similarities he shares with the character, and the resonance of a story that speaks to our age of online disinformation and conspiracy theories. Why were you drawn to this series and this character? What about it made you say yes to it? Colman Domingo: There’s so much about it that is raising questions about who are we in America right now. What do you believe in? And what are you believing? What’s being fed to you? These are questions that I have deep in my heart, and the series is bringing out those thoughts I have in the back of my head. Like who is manipulating all of us? I do believe there’s people feeding the public misinformation, but it benefits people with money, power, and position. Are there similarities you share with Muncie? Wildly enough, he’s from my neighborhood, from West Philly. He’s a college professor. So am I. There’s a lot of similarities. He’s a public-facing person. Even some of his ideology, where he believes that if you just get people at the table to sit and have a civil conversation, things will get better. I do believe that. I actively do that in my life. And I thought, “Oh, I understand Muncie. I understand what he’s trying to do.” But then the series takes him on another journey to actually go more full-throttle and understand all the dynamics he’s been espousing but not really having to get in the mud with. Is Muncie’s journey in the series a metaphor for how we’re all trying to make sense of this firehose of facts and information, along with disinformation, conspiracy-mongering, and lies that are coming at us 24/7? Yeah. It’s your modern-day North By Northwest, your modern-day Three Days of the Condor. He’s an everyman who has to go on this journey that he’s not ready to go on. He didn’t even know he’s been preparing for it. He was just living his best life, has a great position at CNN, and has been studying jujitsu for his own health. But he didn’t know that he’d need all that to go down the rabbit hole for real. What’s Muncie’s relationship like with his estranged wife, son Demetrius, and his older daughter Kallie from another relationship? All of it is precarious. What’s going on between he and his wife, we made it a gray area. Maybe they both started out as young activists, and the other one moved into celebrity, and the other one is a college professor, and they’re just not meeting [each other] where they used to be. It was more about having a crisis of faith in each other. Then with his daughter [Kallie], he made choices when he was younger, in a relationship he was in before he went to an Ivy League school. So he’s sort of been a deadbeat dad in that way. Then with his younger son, he’s sort of an absentee father. He believes he’s doing the best that he can by providing financially and showing up when he can. But I think he’s been a bit selfish. So this whole crisis is helping him examine not only who he is, but who has he been—and not been—to his family. Now he’s got to do some relationship repair; at the same time, he’s trying to advocate and save his own life and protect his family. Has he lost himself a bit over the years in pursuit of success and ambition? I think so. But I think if you asked Muncie, he wouldn’t say that. I think he believed, no, it’s okay to change. It’s OK to have access and agency. But I think at some point he didn’t realize even in the position that he had, he was just all talk. He was just a talking head. He wasn’t actually doing anything but adding to the noise of the media circuit business. In the crisis that he goes through, how does his family help him to survive? I think he didn’t realize how much he needed them. When we meet him, he’s in a place of stasis. He’s been trying to write this book for years. So he decided to go to the Pocono mountains to try and start writing something. Then he goes on this journey. I think it’s a beautiful hero’s journey. He didn’t know he needed all these things. He didn’t know he needed a heart. He didn’t know he needed a brain...It is ‘no place like home.’ But he realized that his home was attached to other things like celebrity, clothing, and having access. But all of that became more superficial than he even imagined. Amanda Matlovich / Netflix Muncie was a housing activist in his youth, and he reconnects with his West Philly roots and the people in his life from that time. How does he change during the course of the series? I think it’s about helping him to bridge the two parts of himself. It’s one of the first arguments that my character has with the fantastic Eisa Davis, who plays Renee, while hosting a show on CNN. And it’s at the core of the problem. For me, it’s a question of, “What’s the best way?” He’s like, “I am Black and I don’t have to actually be out on the streets anymore. I have more access here on television where I can affect a lot of more people.” And so for me, it’s raising the question of, “Is that right or is that wrong? Or is there a balance of both?” How do race and systemic racism factor into the story of a Black man who gets blamed for the death of a white supremacist? How do you think that will be eye-opening for some viewers? Race plays into it a great deal. Muncie is someone who is probably very adept at code-switching [adjusting one’s style of speech, appearance, and expression to conform to a given community and reduce the potential for discrimination]. When you have celebrity and access, you live more in a bubble where you’re probably not perceived in certain ways. But when all of that goes away, once Muncie has to let go of his Range Rover, his Tom Ford suits, and his position at CNN, he’s perceived as just another ordinary Black man on the street. So even when he goes into that New York shop and changes into a T-shirt, baseball cap, and hoodie [to disguise himself], he’s trying to normalize. Before, he believed was a bit more elevated in some way. I love the question that [his estranged wife] Elena asked him: “What were you doing going over to this white man’s house out in the woods? You felt like you had the privilege to do that? You have to always be careful. You don’t know what’s on the other side. You’re a Black man in America.” He forgot for a moment. What does the title, The Madness , refer to? I think it’s about the madness that we’re all living in when it comes to the 24-hour news cycle and trying to download and sift through information. It’s maddening! And also, I think the madness is also internal, that internal struggle of like, “Who are you, and what do you believe in? Who is real, and who is not?” I think that’s the madness. The Madness , Series Premiere, Thursday, November 28, Netflix More Headlines:Ultra-progressive women fetishize Luigi Mangione because they’ve spent years shaming masculinity

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Only the coldest of hearts won’t empathize with Michael Andretti, who has been sidelined from his namesake motorsports organization and won’t have any role with the the Formula 1 program he spent the last four years desperately trying to launch. His effort to get a program partnered with General Motors into F1 was approved last week, roughly a month after Andretti stepped aside from leading his race teams. F1’s decision to expand its grid for Cadillac F1 came amidst a federal antitrust investigation into why Liberty Media refused to admit Andretti Global as an 11th team — and after Andretti partners Dan Towriss and Mark Walter took controlling interest of the effort. “The Cadillac F1 Team is made up of a strong group of people that have worked tirelessly to build an American works team,” Andretti posted on social media. “I’m very proud of the hard work they have put in and congratulate all involved on this momentous next step. I will be cheering for you!” While he will have no role with the F1 team, it is unclear what his regular involvement will be with his IndyCar team. His famous father, 1978 F1 champion Mario Andretti, will be on the board of the F1 team and an ambassador. What changed F1’s position on Andretti — an application it basically mocked in its January denial — is not known. Few have said much beyond noting GM’s increased commitment to take a larger role beyond engine supplier. Mohammed Ben Sulayem, the president of F1’s governing body, had championed the GM bid from the start and Andretti’s application was the only one of seven to receive approval from the FIA. In an interview with The Associated Press, he called F1’s decision to finally allow the GM team a spot in the sport “a win for all of motorsports” but also sympathized with Michael Andretti. “I feel he should be proud because he’s the founder who started this thing with his partners,” Ben Sulayem said. “We did the proper due process, we never favored anyone, and it is only because his application ticked all the boxes that the FIA approved it. Michael is a lovely person and I do not feel this was personal against Michael Andretti. “The other teams? For them, it was about the money. They don’t want the money to go from split between 10 teams to split between 11 teams,” he added. “But it was only a matter of time before General Motors was going to be approved and I feel it is incorrect to say it happened because Michael stepped aside. What did Michael do? Why would people not want him? Because he spoke publicly? He didn’t break any rules. He didn’t abuse anyone. If people want to see it as personal, it is up to them. He doesn’t annoy me.” What likely did annoy F1 and Liberty Media, its commercial rights holder, was the Justice Department investigation. Liberty announced it was under investigation this summer, not long after Mario Andretti visited Washington to discuss the F1 snub with lawmakers. The FBI was allegedly at last month’s Las Vegas Grand Prix and Ben Sulayem confirmed to AP he was interviewed by federal investigators. “It is the department that protects the interest of the United States and the FIA has nothing to hide,” Ben Sulayem said. “I was proud to speak to them and they were very polite and understanding. I wanted this to be cleared: I wanted GM in F1 because it is good for business.” F1 currently has just one American team, owned by California businessman Gene Haas, despite a series-high three races in the United States. Should the Cadillac F1 team make it to the grid in 2026 as scheduled, there will be two American teams and Ford will officially join Red Bull that season as a technical partner. This Andretti-less F1 effort will be led by TWG Global, the investment company founded by Walter, who as CEO of Guggenheim Partners is the controlling owner of the Los Angeles Dodgers and Premier League club Chelsea, and Towriss, who became involved in motorsports initially as a sponsor for Andretti and took an ownership role in Andretti Global in 2022. Towriss is now the majority owner of the Andretti race teams and work on the F1 team will continue in Andretti’s Indiana shop, its recently opened satellite factory in Silverstone and GM’s facilities in North Carolina and Michigan. Towriss is the CEO of TWG Global’s motorsports arm. There is no indication who the drivers will be for the F1 team, although Valtteri Bottas indicated last weekend he’d like to be considered and the original Andretti effort targeted current IndyCar driver Colton Herta, who is sponsored by Towriss’ company, Gainbridge. Get local news delivered to your inbox!

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As a smooth-talking media and political pundit, Colman Domingo ’s Muncie Daniels is used to commenting on politics and the news — not becoming the news — in The Madness . However, his fate will quickly change for the worse when we meet him in the new series. When the CNN personality discovers the dead body of a white supremacist in the woods near where he’s staying in the Poconos, he winds up in the crosshairs of law enforcement and possibly framed for murder — and even his lawyer friend Kwesi (Deon Cole) warns the silver-tongued Muncie, “You’re not going to be able to talk your way out of this.... They are going to pin all this on you.” In this paranoia-inducing Netflix thriller, Daniels finds himself in the middle of a sprawling conspiracy that delves into the darkest corners of society and explores the intersections between the wealthy and powerful, the alt-right, and other fringe movements. “[The series] is examining the climate we’re in right now,” Domingo teased to TV Insider. “Who sows those seeds of disinformation? Who’s puppeteering all of this?” To clear his name, Muncie must figure out whether to trust FBI agent Franco Quiñones (John Ortiz) and reconnect with his working-class, activist roots in Philadelphia while reuniting with his family, which includes teenage son Demetrius (Thaddeus J. Mixson), estranged wife Elena (Marsha Stephanie Blake), and daughter Kallie (Gabrielle Graham) from a previous relationship. “He’s trying to solve a crime,” creator Stephen Belber previews, “but at the same time he’s trying to solve something inside of himself.” To find out what else we should know about the new thrill ride, we spoke to The Color Purple and Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom star Colman Domingo — who played Victor Strand on Fear the Walking Dead for eight seasons, won an Emmy for Euphoria , and was nominated for a 2024 Oscar for the civil rights drama Rustin — about the bind in which Muncie finds himself in The Madness , the similarities he shares with the character, and the resonance of a story that speaks to our age of online disinformation and conspiracy theories. Why were you drawn to this series and this character? What about it made you say yes to it? Colman Domingo: There’s so much about it that is raising questions about who are we in America right now. What do you believe in? And what are you believing? What’s being fed to you? These are questions that I have deep in my heart, and the series is bringing out those thoughts I have in the back of my head. Like who is manipulating all of us? I do believe there’s people feeding the public misinformation, but it benefits people with money, power, and position. Are there similarities you share with Muncie? Wildly enough, he’s from my neighborhood, from West Philly. He’s a college professor. So am I. There’s a lot of similarities. He’s a public-facing person. Even some of his ideology, where he believes that if you just get people at the table to sit and have a civil conversation, things will get better. I do believe that. I actively do that in my life. And I thought, “Oh, I understand Muncie. I understand what he’s trying to do.” But then the series takes him on another journey to actually go more full-throttle and understand all the dynamics he’s been espousing but not really having to get in the mud with. Is Muncie’s journey in the series a metaphor for how we’re all trying to make sense of this firehose of facts and information, along with disinformation, conspiracy-mongering, and lies that are coming at us 24/7? Yeah. It’s your modern-day North By Northwest, your modern-day Three Days of the Condor. He’s an everyman who has to go on this journey that he’s not ready to go on. He didn’t even know he’s been preparing for it. He was just living his best life, has a great position at CNN, and has been studying jujitsu for his own health. But he didn’t know that he’d need all that to go down the rabbit hole for real. What’s Muncie’s relationship like with his estranged wife, son Demetrius, and his older daughter Kallie from another relationship? All of it is precarious. What’s going on between he and his wife, we made it a gray area. Maybe they both started out as young activists, and the other one moved into celebrity, and the other one is a college professor, and they’re just not meeting [each other] where they used to be. It was more about having a crisis of faith in each other. Then with his daughter [Kallie], he made choices when he was younger, in a relationship he was in before he went to an Ivy League school. So he’s sort of been a deadbeat dad in that way. Then with his younger son, he’s sort of an absentee father. He believes he’s doing the best that he can by providing financially and showing up when he can. But I think he’s been a bit selfish. So this whole crisis is helping him examine not only who he is, but who has he been—and not been—to his family. Now he’s got to do some relationship repair; at the same time, he’s trying to advocate and save his own life and protect his family. Has he lost himself a bit over the years in pursuit of success and ambition? I think so. But I think if you asked Muncie, he wouldn’t say that. I think he believed, no, it’s okay to change. It’s OK to have access and agency. But I think at some point he didn’t realize even in the position that he had, he was just all talk. He was just a talking head. He wasn’t actually doing anything but adding to the noise of the media circuit business. In the crisis that he goes through, how does his family help him to survive? I think he didn’t realize how much he needed them. When we meet him, he’s in a place of stasis. He’s been trying to write this book for years. So he decided to go to the Pocono mountains to try and start writing something. Then he goes on this journey. I think it’s a beautiful hero’s journey. He didn’t know he needed all these things. He didn’t know he needed a heart. He didn’t know he needed a brain...It is ‘no place like home.’ But he realized that his home was attached to other things like celebrity, clothing, and having access. But all of that became more superficial than he even imagined. Amanda Matlovich / Netflix Muncie was a housing activist in his youth, and he reconnects with his West Philly roots and the people in his life from that time. How does he change during the course of the series? I think it’s about helping him to bridge the two parts of himself. It’s one of the first arguments that my character has with the fantastic Eisa Davis, who plays Renee, while hosting a show on CNN. And it’s at the core of the problem. For me, it’s a question of, “What’s the best way?” He’s like, “I am Black and I don’t have to actually be out on the streets anymore. I have more access here on television where I can affect a lot of more people.” And so for me, it’s raising the question of, “Is that right or is that wrong? Or is there a balance of both?” How do race and systemic racism factor into the story of a Black man who gets blamed for the death of a white supremacist? How do you think that will be eye-opening for some viewers? Race plays into it a great deal. Muncie is someone who is probably very adept at code-switching [adjusting one’s style of speech, appearance, and expression to conform to a given community and reduce the potential for discrimination]. When you have celebrity and access, you live more in a bubble where you’re probably not perceived in certain ways. But when all of that goes away, once Muncie has to let go of his Range Rover, his Tom Ford suits, and his position at CNN, he’s perceived as just another ordinary Black man on the street. So even when he goes into that New York shop and changes into a T-shirt, baseball cap, and hoodie [to disguise himself], he’s trying to normalize. Before, he believed was a bit more elevated in some way. I love the question that [his estranged wife] Elena asked him: “What were you doing going over to this white man’s house out in the woods? You felt like you had the privilege to do that? You have to always be careful. You don’t know what’s on the other side. You’re a Black man in America.” He forgot for a moment. What does the title, The Madness , refer to? I think it’s about the madness that we’re all living in when it comes to the 24-hour news cycle and trying to download and sift through information. It’s maddening! And also, I think the madness is also internal, that internal struggle of like, “Who are you, and what do you believe in? Who is real, and who is not?” I think that’s the madness. The Madness , Series Premiere, Thursday, November 28, Netflix More Headlines:

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