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2025-01-12
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lol646 download (Bloomberg) -- A rally that drove stocks to a series of all-time highs showed signs of fatigue, with traders sifting through the latest labor-market figures ahead of this week’s key jobs data. Equities struggled to make headway, following a relentless advance that sent S&P 500 to its 54th record this year. Treasuries and the dollar were little changed. US job openings picked up in October, suggesting demand for workers is stabilizing after steep declines in recent months. The uptick in the so-called JOLTS report may indicate that demand for workers is stabilizing around pre-pandemic levels. That’s important for Federal Reserve officials who are trying to avoid any further weakening in the labor market as they gradually lower rates. “From here, the market will be awaiting this afternoon’s Fedspeak with expectations for the comments to outline a willingness to cut on Dec. 18 in the event the data doesn’t surprise on the upside,” said Ian Lyngen at BMO Capital Markets. The S&P 500 was little changed. The Nasdaq 100 fluctuated. The Dow Jones Industrial Average fell 0.2%. Salesforce Inc. is due to report results after the close. Germany’s main equity benchmark touched 20,000 for the first time. Treasury 10-year yields were little changed at 4.19%. The South Korean won sank as President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law. Oil rose ahead of an OPEC supply meeting. Short-sellers are capitulating as the S&P 500 keeps hitting record highs, according to Citigroup Inc. strategists led by Chris Montagu. Investor positioning in S&P 500 futures is “completely one-sided,” they wrote. Equities will likely be exposed to risks such as tariff- and geopolitics-driven inflation, growth fears and a fizzling AI trade in 2025, according to HSBC strategists, who retained their expectations of a first-half rally. The team led by Max Kettner says a more hawkish-than-expected Fed would also be a downside risk. On the other hand, deregulation, a strong rebound in China and synchronized pick up in global goods could support further gains in risk assets, they added. The “Magnificent Seven” stocks are a buy during corrections as most of them will keep generating money, according to a New York University professor known for his expertise on valuations. “As a value investor, I have never seen cash machines as lucrative as these companies are,” Aswath Damodaran, a finance professor at NYU’s Stern School of Business, said in a Bloomberg Television interview. “And I don’t see the cash machine slowing down.” There will be corrections and “I’d suggest that when that happens you find a way to add at least one, maybe two or three of these companies, because these are so much part of what drives the economy and the market,” he added. Corporate Highlights: Key events this week: Some of the main moves in markets: Stocks Currencies Cryptocurrencies Bonds Commodities This story was produced with the assistance of Bloomberg Automation. More stories like this are available on bloomberg.com ©2024 Bloomberg L.P.

The 49ers are going to have to dip into their quarterback depth this weekend. Head coach Kyle Shanahan announced on Friday that backup Brandon Allen will get the starting nod for San Francisco against the Packers. The move comes as starter Brock Purdy is dealing with shoulder soreness , which limited him in practice this week. The issue was enough to have him ruled out for Sunday, which is a key road matchup in the middle of the season for the 49ers. The 49ers — which will also be without star edge rusher Nick Bosa (left hip and oblique) — are 5-5 entering the game against 7-3 Green Bay, sitting10th in the NFC, meaning they are on the outside looking in for the playoff picture. They now will turn to Allen, who has not started a game in three years. His biggest action in the NFL came in the 2020 season when he started five games (1-4 records), completing 63.4 percent of his passes with five touchdowns and four interceptions. Since that season, he’s thrown just 37 passes in the regular season. He’ll face off against a Packers defense that ranks 15th in the NFL in passing yards allowed per game this season (329) and will be without cornerback Jaire Alexander and linebacker Edgerrin Cooper. Allen will have Joshua Dobbs as his backup on Sunday. The 49ers next face the Bills next Sunday night, making this Packers game all the more important.MINNEAPOLIS, Dec. 03, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- SPS Commerce, Inc. (NASDAQ: SPSC), a leader in retail supply chain cloud services, today announced that management will present at the Nasdaq 51st Investor Conference on Tuesday, December 10, 2024, at 3:00 PM GMT. A webcast of the presentation will be available on the company's investor relations website at http://investors.spscommerce.com/events.cfm . About SPS Commerce SPS Commerce is the world's leading retail network, connecting trading partners around the globe to optimize supply chain operations for all retail partners. We support data-driven partnerships with innovative cloud technology, customer-obsessed service and accessible experts so our customers can focus on what they do best. To date, more than 120,000 companies in retail, grocery, distribution, supply, and logistics have chosen SPS as their retail network. SPS has achieved 95 consecutive quarters of revenue growth and is headquartered in Minneapolis. For additional information, contact SPS at 866-245-8100 or visit www.spscommerce.com. SPS COMMERCE, SPS, SPS logo and INFINITE RETAIL POWER are marks of SPS Commerce, Inc. and registered in the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, along with other SPS marks. Such marks may also be registered or otherwise protected in other countries. Contact: Investor Relations The Blueshirt Group Irmina Blaszczyk Lisa Laukkanen [email protected] 415-217-4962 SPS-FBreaking News: Italy is Celebrating Ruffo Caselli's Robotics in Art

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If there’s anything more trying than the heat-and-dust of the Indian election campaign trail, it is the final hours of nominations closing for any poll. Party managers handle scores of documents, notarised affidavits, B-forms, and supporting documents to be submitted in grubby government offices before the deadline, while other troubleshooters work behind the scenes to convince rebels and smaller candidates to withdraw. Even by these standards, the run-up to the Maharashtra elections was extraordinarily chaotic as both jumbo alliances — the Mahayuti and the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) — struggled to keep a handle of 40-plus rebels on each side, and work out internal seat share pacts. Even by 5pm on November 4, the last date of withdrawal of nomination, the contours of the electoral battle were not clear. But in that disarray, there was one clear front-runner that managed rebels, focussed on building a disciplined campaign, and working on plugging weaknesses — the Mahayuti. As MVA leaders squabbled in public and struggled to put together an emotive campaign, the Mahayuti worked on neutralising factors such as Maratha anger (which hurt the Bharatiya Janata Party in Marathwada in the Lok Sabha elections) and Dalit dissonance (which buoyed the Congress in Vidarbha). Both from Delhi and Mumbai, the focus was on smart alliance management, which is key in an election where six major and around 20 smaller outfits were in the fray. Leaders such as Bhupender Yadav broke the state down into safe and swing seats, apportioning resources and leaders to maximise the catchment area. In India’s second-most populous state, grassroots campaigning is important given the breadth of the province and the disparate regions that have distinct identities and issues. Mahayuti’s superior handle on the campaign logistics meant that each of the three members — the BJP, the Shiv Sena and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) — focussed on their individual constituencies and regions and did not allow some contradictory statements to disrupt a coherent campaign. As the campaign progressed, the Mahayuti fine-tuned its using surveys, reaching out to every constituent and community possible, painstakingly turning groups that voted adversely four months ago into allies. The ideological backbone of the campaign was provided by the grassroots army of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which fanned across the length and breadth of the state and helped carry the ruling combine’s message to every home. In the MVA, the picture was the opposite. In a repeat of the Haryana fiasco, the Congress and its allies took far too long to get off the blocks, complacent in their Lok Sabha victory (the MVA had won 30 of the state’s 48 seats, compared to the Mahayuti’s 17). But hidden in that performance was the kernel of a more competitive fight. Just like in Haryana, the NDA had done far better assembly segment wise than what the headline Lok Sabha numbers suggested. Even as Mahayuti leaders hit the campaign trail, MVA leaders struggled to tide over rebels and hammer out an internal seat pact — the delay damaging the momentum gained by the combine this summer. The MVA also dithered on candidate selection and on building an emotive campaign, focussing on questions such as the future of the Constitution that were beyond their sell-by date and had stopped generating the kind of emotive response they had in the Lok Sabha. Too much time was spent on discussing who a possible chief minister could be than on reversing the Mahayuti’s rapid regaining of ground across the state. Even when it found itself outgunned by the resource-rich opponent, the MVA failed to make the campaign emotive or effectively utilise its senior leadership. At no point in the campaign could it generate the kind of viral moment that could boost its flagging march — akin to the photograph of an elderly Sharad Pawar addressing a rally alone in the rain that galvanised supporters and pushed the united NCP past 50 in the 2019 assembly elections. Its manifesto promises, too, came late in the day. The result was a complete reversal of the Lok Sabha show. Not only did the Mahayuti reverse its losses, it also managed to expand its vote share by around eight percentage points from this summer, to 51%; the BJP posted its best-ever performance in the state, bettering its breakthrough show in 2014, and its two major partners both trounced their regional rivals — and decisively. In the contrasting styles and eventual fates of the two campaigns was the story of a historic victory, one that has the potential to change the vocabulary of Maharashtra politics.

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PHILADELPHIA (AP) — Nick Dorn's 21 points helped Elon defeat Navy 69-63 on Saturday night. Dorn shot 6 of 15 from the field, including 6 for 13 from 3-point range, and went 3 for 4 from the line for the Phoenix (4-3). TK Simpkins scored 20 points while shooting 6 for 14 (4 for 7 from 3-point range) and 4 of 4 from the free-throw line and added six rebounds. TJ Simpkins had 15 points and shot 4 of 11 from the field, including 0 for 3 from 3-point range, and went 7 for 10 from the line. The Midshipmen (3-5) were led by Austin Benigni, who recorded 18 points. Sam Krist added 12 points and two steals for Navy. Cam Cole also recorded 11 points. ___ The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by and data from . The Associated PressThe trunk of my old car is filled with tattered coats, sweatpants and stocking caps. You'll find holes if you look real close. But those clothes have come in handy in the chilly Treasure State, where so many of us take pride in making the most of challenging weather days. I think of the Montana defense the same way I do the 30-year-old wind pants I pull out of the trunk to wear while covering football games. Both have been largely underappreciated the last five weeks. On Saturday in Bozeman, the Griz defense surrendered 34 points against No. 2 Montana State, so nobody is going to be comparing that crew to Pittsburgh's Steel Curtain of 1975. Certainly fans of the maroon and silver had a lot of reasons to be flustered. But take a step back and consider Montana State possessed the ball for almost two-thirds of the first half. Then the Cats had some good field position in the first 13 minutes of the third quarter and Montana's defense refused to relent, clinging to hope despite a 20-3 deficit. "They chucked it down the field a few times and made two catches — it's not a high percentage play for them and we've gotta live with that," Montana coach Bobby Hauck said coming out of the locker room after halftime. "Other than that we're tackling well. I think we're playing pretty well on defense." The most prolific scoring team in the FCS was limited to 20 points through the first 43 minutes. Kudos to the Montana defense for its hustle and heart. It's just that the Grizzly offense, held scoreless in the first half at home last weekend against Portland State, was held to three points through three quarters in Bozeman against the best defense in the Big Sky Conference. Sure, we all expected Montana to do better in its 123rd annual rivalry game at MSU. Maybe at least score more than one touchdown with so much motivation. But give credit to Montana's defensive coaches for again coming up with a strong game plan against Montana State senior quarterback Tommy Mellott. And credit the defense for its vast improvement since giving up 55 points at home earlier this season to Weber State (4-8) and 49 at Eastern Washington (4-8). Not to beat a dead horse, but I can't help wondering how things might have been different had Clifton McDowell stayed around. The 6-foot-4, 220-pound quarterback led Montana to the FCS title game last December with a knack for picking up tough yards on the ground and doing just enough with his passing. He entered the transfer portal last winter for reasons unreported. Maybe he was looking for more NIL money. Maybe he disliked Montana's weather. You could say it's all ancient history now and doesn't matter. But it does matter. It matters a lot because Montana could have been much better. The banged-up Grizzlies need to regroup in a hurry now with a playoff game — likely at home — coming up next weekend. If the defense plays the way it did against the Bobcats, I like Montana's chances. But something needs to be done with the offense and I'm not even sure what it is at this point. Maybe go back to Keali'i Ah Yat at quarterback, assuming he's healthy, or give 6-4 sophomore Kaden Huot of Helena a few snaps. Montana has beaten only one conference team with a winning record (Northern Arizona), so maybe Griz fans should be grateful their guys are in the playoff mix with an 8-4 record. Any postseason success would feel like a bonus at this point. Speltz Get local news delivered to your inbox!WASHINGTON (AP) — As a former and potentially future president, Donald Trump hailed what would become Project 2025 as a road map for “exactly what our movement will do” with another crack at the White House. As the blueprint for a hard-right turn in America became a liability during the 2024 campaign, Trump pulled an about-face . He denied knowing anything about the “ridiculous and abysmal” plans written in part by his first-term aides and allies. Now, after being elected the 47th president on Nov. 5, Trump is stocking his second administration with key players in the detailed effort he temporarily shunned. Most notably, Trump has tapped Russell Vought for an encore as director of the Office of Management and Budget; Tom Homan, his former immigration chief, as “border czar;” and immigration hardliner Stephen Miller as deputy chief of policy . Those moves have accelerated criticisms from Democrats who warn that Trump's election hands government reins to movement conservatives who spent years envisioning how to concentrate power in the West Wing and impose a starkly rightward shift across the U.S. government and society. Trump and his aides maintain that he won a mandate to overhaul Washington. But they maintain the specifics are his alone. “President Trump never had anything to do with Project 2025,” said Trump spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt in a statement. “All of President Trumps' Cabinet nominees and appointments are whole-heartedly committed to President Trump's agenda, not the agenda of outside groups.” Here is a look at what some of Trump's choices portend for his second presidency. The Office of Management and Budget director, a role Vought held under Trump previously and requires Senate confirmation, prepares a president's proposed budget and is generally responsible for implementing the administration's agenda across agencies. The job is influential but Vought made clear as author of a Project 2025 chapter on presidential authority that he wants the post to wield more direct power. “The Director must view his job as the best, most comprehensive approximation of the President’s mind,” Vought wrote. The OMB, he wrote, “is a President’s air-traffic control system” and should be “involved in all aspects of the White House policy process,” becoming “powerful enough to override implementing agencies’ bureaucracies.” Trump did not go into such details when naming Vought but implicitly endorsed aggressive action. Vought, the president-elect said, “knows exactly how to dismantle the Deep State” — Trump’s catch-all for federal bureaucracy — and would help “restore fiscal sanity.” In June, speaking on former Trump aide Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast, Vought relished the potential tension: “We’re not going to save our country without a little confrontation.” The strategy of further concentrating federal authority in the presidency permeates Project 2025's and Trump's campaign proposals. Vought's vision is especially striking when paired with Trump's proposals to dramatically expand the president's control over federal workers and government purse strings — ideas intertwined with the president-elect tapping mega-billionaire Elon Musk and venture capitalist Vivek Ramaswamy to lead a “Department of Government Efficiency.” Trump in his first term sought to remake the federal civil service by reclassifying tens of thousands of federal civil service workers — who have job protection through changes in administration — as political appointees, making them easier to fire and replace with loyalists. Currently, only about 4,000 of the federal government's roughly 2 million workers are political appointees. President Joe Biden rescinded Trump's changes. Trump can now reinstate them. Meanwhile, Musk's and Ramaswamy's sweeping “efficiency” mandates from Trump could turn on an old, defunct constitutional theory that the president — not Congress — is the real gatekeeper of federal spending. In his “Agenda 47,” Trump endorsed so-called “impoundment,” which holds that when lawmakers pass appropriations bills, they simply set a spending ceiling, but not a floor. The president, the theory holds, can simply decide not to spend money on anything he deems unnecessary. Vought did not venture into impoundment in his Project 2025 chapter. But, he wrote, “The President should use every possible tool to propose and impose fiscal discipline on the federal government. Anything short of that would constitute abject failure.” Trump's choice immediately sparked backlash. “Russ Vought is a far-right ideologue who has tried to break the law to give President Trump unilateral authority he does not possess to override the spending decisions of Congress (and) who has and will again fight to give Trump the ability to summarily fire tens of thousands of civil servants,” said Sen. Patty Murray of Washington, a Democrat and outgoing Senate Appropriations chairwoman. Reps. Jamie Raskin of Maryland and Melanie Stansbury of New Mexico, leading Democrats on the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, said Vought wants to “dismantle the expert federal workforce” to the detriment of Americans who depend on everything from veterans' health care to Social Security benefits. “Pain itself is the agenda,” they said. Trump’s protests about Project 2025 always glossed over overlaps in the two agendas . Both want to reimpose Trump-era immigration limits. Project 2025 includes a litany of detailed proposals for various U.S. immigration statutes, executive branch rules and agreements with other countries — reducing the number of refugees, work visa recipients and asylum seekers, for example. Miller is one of Trump's longest-serving advisers and architect of his immigration ideas, including his promise of the largest deportation force in U.S. history. As deputy policy chief, which is not subject to Senate confirmation, Miller would remain in Trump's West Wing inner circle. “America is for Americans and Americans only,” Miller said at Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally on Oct. 27. “America First Legal,” Miller’s organization founded as an ideological counter to the American Civil Liberties Union, was listed as an advisory group to Project 2025 until Miller asked that the name be removed because of negative attention. Homan, a Project 2025 named contributor, was an acting U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement director during Trump’s first presidency, playing a key role in what became known as Trump's “family separation policy.” Previewing Trump 2.0 earlier this year, Homan said: “No one’s off the table. If you’re here illegally, you better be looking over your shoulder.” John Ratcliffe, Trump's pick to lead the CIA , was previously one of Trump's directors of national intelligence. He is a Project 2025 contributor. The document's chapter on U.S. intelligence was written by Dustin Carmack, Ratcliffe's chief of staff in the first Trump administration. Reflecting Ratcliffe's and Trump's approach, Carmack declared the intelligence establishment too cautious. Ratcliffe, like the chapter attributed to Carmack, is hawkish toward China. Throughout the Project 2025 document, Beijing is framed as a U.S. adversary that cannot be trusted. Brendan Carr, the senior Republican on the Federal Communications Commission, wrote Project 2025's FCC chapter and is now Trump's pick to chair the panel. Carr wrote that the FCC chairman “is empowered with significant authority that is not shared” with other FCC members. He called for the FCC to address “threats to individual liberty posed by corporations that are abusing dominant positions in the market,” specifically “Big Tech and its attempts to drive diverse political viewpoints from the digital town square.” He called for more stringent transparency rules for social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube and “empower consumers to choose their own content filters and fact checkers, if any.” Carr and Ratcliffe would require Senate confirmation for their posts.

Trump chooses Pam Bondi for attorney general pick after Gaetz withdrawsFormer Fresno State quarterback Mikey Keene is transferring to Michigan with one year of eligibility remaining. Confirming earlier reports, Keene posted an image of himself in a Wolverines uniform on social media on Monday. Keene passed for 2,892 yards with 18 touchdowns and 11 interceptions in 12 games for the Bulldogs in 2024. Fresno State opened the season with a 30-10 loss at Michigan on Aug. 31, with Keene throwing for 235 yards with one touchdown and two picks. Including two seasons at UCF (2021-22), Keene has completed 67.8 percent of his passes for 8,245 yards with 65 TDs and 28 interceptions in 39 games. Keene's competition for the starting job at Michigan includes incoming freshman Bryce Underwood, the 247Sports Composite's No. 1 overall player in the 2025 recruiting class. --Field Level Media

Courtney and Michael make these delicious last minute mains for ChristmasAfter Trump's Project 2025 denials, he is tapping its authors and influencers for key rolesAfter Trump's Project 2025 denials, he is tapping its authors and influencers for key roles

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