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Friday, November 22, 2024 Facebook Instagram Twitter WhatsApp Youtube Personal Finance Education Entertainment Jobs Alert Sports Hindi Technology Complaint Redressal. Fact-Checking Policy Correction policy Authors and Team DNPA Code of Ethics Onwership and Funding Cookie Policy Terms of Service Disclaimer Contact US About Us More Search Home India QR-Ticketing System: Now you can travel in Metro and Namo Bharat train... India QR-Ticketing System: Now you can travel in Metro and Namo Bharat train with a single ticket By Shyamu Maurya November 22, 2024 0 11 Share Facebook Twitter Pinterest WhatsApp Telegram QR-Ticketing System: Now you can travel in Metro and Namo Bharat train with a single ticket Delhi News NCRTC and DMRC have launched an integrated QR-ticketing system. The aim of this initiative is to make travel in NCR more easy and convenient. Now passengers can book QR code tickets for Delhi Metro through the ‘RRTS Connect’ app and QR code tickets for Namo Bharat through the ‘DMRC Momentum 2.0’ app. Read further in detail. QR-ticketing system: Delhi Metro There is a good news for those traveling in Delhi Metro and Namo Bharat Train. Now passengers will not need to buy tickets separately for Delhi Metro and Namo Bharat Train. Currently Namo Bharat Train is running only till Sahibabad Let us tell you that Namo Bharat Train is currently running from Meerut to Sahibabad. Soon Namo Bharat Train is going to run from Meerut to New Ashok Nagar in Delhi. People are eagerly waiting for it. Integrated QR-ticketing system officially launched National Capital Region Transport Corporation (NCRTC) and Delhi Metro Rail Corporation (DMRC) officially launched their integrated QR-ticketing system on Monday. The aim of this initiative is to make travel in NCR more easy and convenient. Passengers will get a lot of benefit A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed between NCRTC and DMRC in August this year with the aim of creating an integrated and digitally operated passenger-centric network in NCR. This initiative is a step taken in that direction. What did NCRTC Managing Director Shalabh Goyal say... NCRTC Managing Director Shalabh Goyal and DMRC Managing Director Dr Vikas Kumar officially launched this integrated ticketing system by booking Namo Bharat and Delhi Metro tickets on the mobile app. He expressed confidence that this digital integration will not only make the journey easier for passengers, but will also encourage the use of public transport in the National Capital Region. This is how you can book QR tickets Passengers can now book QR code tickets for Delhi Metro through the ‘RRTS Connect’ app and QR code tickets for Namo Bharat through the ‘DMRC Momentum 2.0’ app. This will make seamless ticketing possible in both RRTS and Delhi Metro. Namo Bharat Train will soon run till New Ashok Nagar Namo Bharat Train is going to start operating from Meerut to New Ashok Nagar soon. People working in Noida will benefit a lot from the operation of Namo Bharat Train till New Ashok Nagar. They will be able to easily reach Delhi from Meerut in just 35 to 40 minutes. Power supply started at these stations Power supply has also been started at Anand Vihar and New Ashok Nagar stations on the Delhi-Ghaziabad-Meerut RRTS corridor. For this, the auxiliary substations (ASS) installed at these stations have been charged to a capacity of 33 kV. Join Informal Newz Tags QR-ticketing system Share Facebook Twitter Pinterest WhatsApp Telegram Previous article RBI warns banks! If you do not do this work now, legal action will be taken Shyamu Maurya Shyamu has done Degree in Fine Arts and has knowledge about bollywood industry. He started writing in 2018. Since then he has been associated with Informalnewz. 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WATERTOWN, Mass. , Dec. 5, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- 3D BioLabs LLC ("3D BioLabs" or "3DB"), has reached a pivotal milestone in the field of regenerative medicine as recently published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences . 3DB's study has demonstrated a new approach to creating large organs to solve the organ transplant shortage. Using 3D printing, computational fluid dynamics, and organ specific cells, their study demonstrated effective blood flow and cell viability and function within the model device, marking a significant advance toward a bioengineered liver replacement. The study was led by 3D BioLabs Scientific Founder Dr. Joseph P. Vacanti , the Distinguished John Homans Professor of Surgery at Harvard Medical School and Mass General Hospital. 3D BioLabs 3D printed device (3DPD) has been engineered to mimic native liver tissue structure by using fractal architecture to support both vascular anastomosis and hepatocyte function. The device features embedded portal-venous (PV) channels that enable continuous blood flow when implanted and hepatobiliary (HB) channels that support the viability of liver cells. Active perfusion of tissue scaffolds allows for improved oxygen and nutrient availability to increase cell density, further supporting the feasibility of the device as a functional liver tissue substitute. Dr. Vacanti said: "We are extremely pleased to reach this pivotal milestone in the development of functioning 3D printed organs, which furthers our mission of solving the long-standing issue of organ transplant shortages. With our recent study, we are one step closer to achieving an engineered alternative to liver transplantation, addressing critical organ shortages and helping patients in need." 3DB's proprietary technology builds upon decades of work in tissue engineering, beginning with the first patent in tissue engineering granted to Dr. Vacanti in 1988 and the Vacanti ear mouse in 1997. This milestone is supported by recent work implanting large and complex devices into pigs for as long as one week. For further details, visit 3DBioLabs.com . About 3D BioLabs: 3D BioLabs is comprised of scientists, engineers and visionary clinical scientists that aim to improve world health by providing man made organs for individuals suffering from organ failure and other complex problems of tissue loss. Our mission is the development of a platform technology that will result in sophisticated designs that allow for precise mimicry of what happens inside humans more closely than other systems, where decades of research have reached barriers based on organ size and complexity. View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/3dbiolabs-achieves-pivotal-milestone-in-development-of-3d-printed-liver-implant-302324302.html SOURCE 3D BioLabs
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LARAMIE – University of Wyoming trustees narrowly voted Friday morning against allowing concealed carry permit holders to take firearms into campus facilities. Before a 6-5 vote following tense discussions all week, Trustee Macey Moore said that the entire process felt like a “giant disruption” to the university’s mission. Moore said the trustees worked hard to create a policy that might satisfy lawmakers’ concerns — especially those who support a repeal of Wyoming’s gun free zones — while also excluding places such as the residence halls, Half Acre Recreation and Wellness Center, and Early Childhood Education Center, places in which members of the university community clearly said they do not want firearms allowed. Concealed carry permit holders are currently allowed to carry firearms on university open spaces such as Prexy’s Pasture, but not inside facilities, classrooms and faculty offices. Trustees voting against the rule change were Vice Chair Michelle Sullivan, Treasurer Laura Schmid-Pizzato, Secretary Brad Bonner, David Fall, Carol Linton and Moore. Those voting for the changes were Chair Kermit Brown, Brad LaCroix, Jim Mathis, John McKinley and Dave True. The draft rule on the table Friday morning for the final day of a three-day trustees meeting excluded residence halls, Half Acre Recreation and Wellness Center and the Early Care and Education Center. It also deleted an earlier provision that would have created reciprocity for permit holders from other states, so only Wyoming concealed carry permit holders would have been allowed to carry firearms into other facilities on campus, including classrooms. “(Those exclusions) make it feel slightly safer, but that is just the problem for me,” Moore said. “Why are we changing our regulation, and carving out additional items to make us feel slightly safer? This seems like a giant disruption to our mission, and I feel like we are being pushed into this to appease something that might be coming, and might be even worse. I just can’t do that.” Schmid-Pizzato, who said she is a gun owner herself, said she could not support the rule change as, in her estimation, nearly 95% of all public comment, survey responses and communication were against allowing concealed carry into UW facilities. Fall explained his “no” vote by saying that he has a “fundamental belief ... that guns do not belong in schools.” Sullivan said she was “moved” by a discussion with a group of Trustee Scholars Thursday night. “To a student, there was concern about the change of this rule,” Sullivan said. “And we had overwhelming response from our community that they are opposed to this, and they felt that it would make this community less safe." Sullivan said she appreciated the work of the trustees’ legislative committee, which worked hard to thread a needle between what lawmakers and the university community wanted, but that she could not support the change. “Based on what I have heard from this community, and my own knowledge of human development and adolescent development, I cannot support the change of this rule,” she said. Before the vote, Wyoming State Superintendent of Public Instruction Megan Degenfelder, who sits as an ex-officio (non-voting) member of the board, said she supported expanding concealed carry into UW facilities. “I think this is a really important step forward for Second Amendment protections for people in Wyoming,” Degenfelder said. Ben Moritz, executive director of the Wyoming Community College Commission, said that a similar discussion is happening on community college campuses across the state, and that staff, students and faculty have expressed similar concerns over firearms at sporting events and places where mental health treatment is offered. He suggested working with the trustees to bring a unified message to lawmakers in January as they discuss a statewide repeal of gun-free zones. Trustees who did vote for the rule change urged their colleagues who did not to approach the 68th Wyoming Legislature, which will convene on Jan. 14, with their concerns. “Looking around, only one trustee actually went over to the Legislature last year and dealt with the gun bill,” said McKinley, chairman of the board’s legislative committee. “I am going to gently encourage all the trustees to physically go to the Legislature, and you have to express your concerns and provide solutions so our current regulation, as I heard expressed is the preference, remains.” Board Chairman Brown, a former state lawmaker, said McKinley's message was "stark and clear." "You've got to appear over there, and if you don't, I think we are going to have a result that you like a lot less than this rule," Brown said. "I don't want to front-run the Legislature, either, but the handwriting is on the wall." Get any of our free email newsletters — news headlines, sports, arts & entertainment, state legislature, CFD news, and more.iShares MSCI South Korea ETF (NYSEARCA:EWY) Sets New 1-Year Low – What’s Next?
NoneNASHVILLE, Tenn. — Married couples across the U.S. have had access to no-fault divorce for more than 50 years, an option many call crucial to supporting domestic abuse victims and key to preventing already crowded family courts from drowning in complicated divorce proceedings. But some advocates for women worried as old comments from now Vice President-elect JD Vance circulated during the presidential campaign opposing no-fault divorce. After President-elect Donald Trump and Vance won the election, warnings began popping up on social media urging women who might be considering divorce to "pull the trigger" while they still could. Some attorneys posted saying they saw a spike in calls from women seeking divorce consultations. Donald and Ivana Trump pose in May 1988 outside the Federal Courthouse in New York after she was sworn in as a United States citizen. Trump — who is twice-divorced — hasn't championed overhauling the country's divorce laws, but in 2021 Vance lamented that divorce is too easily accessible, as have conservative podcasters and others. "We've run this experiment in real time and what we have is a lot of very, very real family dysfunction that's making our kids unhappy," Vance said during a speech at a Christian high school in California, where he criticized people being able to "shift spouses like they change their underwear." Marriage rates held steady but divorce rates of women age 15 and older declined from 2012 to 2022, according to U.S. Census Bureau data released in October. Despite concerns, even those who want to make divorces harder to get say they don't expect big, swift changes. There is not a national coordinated effort underway. States determine their own divorce laws, so national leaders can't directly change policy. "Even in some of the so-called red states, it hasn't gotten anywhere," said Beverly Willett, co-chair of the Coalition for Divorce Reform, whose group unsuccessfully attempted to convince states to repeal their no-fault divorce laws. A couple exchanges wedding bands Oct. 11, 2018, at City Hall in Philadelphia. Mark A. Smith, a political science professor at the University of Washington, said while many Americans became accustomed to no-fault divorce being an option, Vance's previous comments on making it more difficult to separate from a spouse could help jump-start that effort. "Even though he's not directly proposing a policy, it's a topic that hasn't gotten a ton of discussion in the last 15 years," Smith said. "And so to have a national profile politician talk that way is noteworthy." Meanwhile, Republican Party platforms in Texas and Nebraska were amended in 2022 to call for the removal of no-fault divorce. Louisiana's Republican Party considered something similar this year but declined to do so. A handful of proposals were introduced in conservative-led statehouses over the years, but all immediately stalled after they were filed. In January, Oklahoma Republican Sen. Dusty Deevers introduced legislation that would have removed married couples from filing for divorce on the grounds of incompatibility. Deevers backed the bill after writing a piece declaring no-fault divorce was an "abolition of marital obligation." Sen. JD Vance smiles as his wife Usha Vance applauds Nov. 6 at an election-night watch party at the Palm Beach Convention Center in West Palm Beach, Fla. Similarly, in South Carolina, two Republican lawmakers in 2023 filed a bill that would have required both spouses to file for a no-fault divorce application rather than just one. In South Dakota, a Republican lawmaker attempted to remove irreconcilable difference as grounds for divorce since 2020. None of the sponsors of these bills responded to interview requests from The Associated Press. All are members of their state's conservative Freedom Caucus. Nevertheless, some Democratic lawmakers say they remain worried about the future of no-fault divorce. They point to the U.S. Supreme Court overturning the constitutional right to abortion in 2022 as an example of a long-accepted option that was revoked through a decades-long effort. "When you choose to be silent, you allow for this to creep in," said Democratic South Dakota Rep. Linda Duba. "These are the bills that gain a foothold because you choose to be silent." Before California became the first state to adopt a no-fault divorce option in 1969, married couples had to prove their spouse violated one of the approved "faults" outlined in their state's divorce law or risk a judge denying their divorce, said Joanna Grossman, a law professor at Southern Methodist University in Dallas. Qualified reasons varied from state to state, but largely included infidelity, incarceration or abandonment. Donald and Marla Trump wave to photographers Dec. 20, 1993, as they enter their wedding reception in New York's Plaza Hotel. The system was a particular burden on domestic violence victims, who are often women who could be stuck in dangerous marriages while they try to prove their partner's abuse in court through expensive and lengthy legal proceedings. "If there was any evidence that the couple both wanted to get divorced that was supposed to be denied because divorce was not something you got because you wanted it, it was something you got because you've been wronged in a way that the state thought was significant," Grossman said. To date, every state in the U.S. adopted a no-fault divorce option. However, 33 states still have a list of approved "faults" to file as grounds for divorce — ranging from adultery to felony conviction. In 17 states, married people only have the option of choosing no-fault divorce to end their marriages. Photo Credit: shisu_ka / Shutterstock Marriage—and divorce—in the U.S. today are starkly different than in earlier eras of the country’s history. A series of economic, legal, and social shifts reshaped marriage in the second half of the 20th century. More women began working outside of the home in the post-World War II era, which provided avenues to financial security and independence outside of marriage. Greater emphasis on postsecondary educational attainment and career development have led young people to wait longer to enter marriage. States began to adopt no-fault divorce laws throughout the 1960s and 1970s that made it easier to end a marriage. Meanwhile, changing social and cultural attitudes have made it more common for couples to cohabitate, combine finances, and raise children prior to getting married—or without getting married at all. These trends have contributed to a decline in the overall number of marriages and to delays in when people get married for the first time. In the U.S., there are currently only 6.5 marriages per 1,000 people each year , compared to 10.9 five decades ago. For those who do choose to get married, the age of first marriage is happening later. As late as the early 1970s, the median age for a first marriage in the U.S. was just 22. By 2018, that figure had increased to 28.8. These shifts have also affected how likely married couples are to stay together. As women entered the workforce in the mid-20th century and feminism and the sexual revolution took hold, rates of divorce rose quickly throughout the 1960s and 1970s. From 1960 to 1980, the divorce rate per 1,000 people in the U.S. more than doubled from 2.2 to 5.2. But the rate began to fall steadily after 1980, and as of 2018, the rate of divorce had dropped to 2.9 per 1,000 people. The link between rates of divorce and age at first marriage has been borne out over time, but it also explains geographic differences in rates of divorce. Today, most of the states with the lowest rates of divorce are also those with a higher median age for marriage. States like New Jersey, New York, California, and Massachusetts all stand out for having fewer than 10% of adults divorced and an age at first marriage above 30. One exception to this is Utah, which has the lowest overall median age for first marriage at 25.5 but also the third-lowest share of divorced adults at 9%, likely due in part to the state’s strong religious ties to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints . In contrast, Maine and Nevada lead all states in the share of the population currently divorced at 13.9% and 13.8%, respectively. And at the local level, many of the cities with the highest levels of divorce are found in Florida, Appalachia, and the Southwest. The data used in this analysis is from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2020 American Community Survey . To determine the most divorced locations, researchers at ChamberOfCommerce.org calculated the percentage of adults currently divorced. In the event of a tie, the location with the higher percentage of adults currently separated was ranked higher. To improve relevance, only cities with at least 100,000 residents were included. Additionally, cities were grouped into cohorts based on population size: small (100,000–149,999), midsize (150,000–349,999), and large (350,000 or more). Here are the most divorced cities in the U.S. Photo Credit: Jacob Boomsma / Shutterstock Photo Credit: Sean Pavone / Shutterstock Photo Credit: Sean Pavone / Shutterstock Photo Credit: photo.ua / Shutterstock Photo Credit: Jonny Trego / Shutterstock Photo Credit: Tupungato / Shutterstock Photo Credit: Sean Pavone / Shutterstock Photo Credit: Kevin J King / Shutterstock Photo Credit: Sean Pavone / Shutterstock Photo Credit: Galina Savina / Shutterstock Photo Credit: f11photo / Shutterstock Photo Credit: CHARLES MORRA / Shutterstock Photo Credit: LHBLLC / Shutterstock Photo Credit: Valiik30 / Shutterstock Photo Credit: turtix / Shutterstock Stay up-to-date on the latest in local and national government and political topics with our newsletter.Apple Cash: How to use it to send and receive money
Three long days of counting in the General Election finished late on Monday night when the final two seats were declared in the constituency of Cavan-Monaghan. Fianna Fail was the clear winner of the election, securing 48 of the Dail parliament’s 174 seats. Sinn Fein took 39 and Fine Gael 38. Labour and the Social Democrats both won 11 seats; People Before Profit-Solidarity took three; Aontu secured two; and the Green Party retained only one of its 12 seats. Independents and others accounted for 21 seats. The return of a Fianna Fail/Fine Gael-led coalition is now highly likely. However, their combined seat total of 86 leaves them just short of the 88 needed for a majority in the Dail. While the two centrist parties that have dominated Irish politics for a century could look to strike a deal with one of the Dail’s smaller centre-left parties, such as the Social Democrats or Labour, a more straightforward route to a majority could be achieved by securing the support of several independent TDs. For Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin and current taoiseach and Fine Gael leader Simon Harris, wooing like-minded independents would be likely to involve fewer policy concessions, and financial commitments, than would be required to convince another party to join the government benches. Longford-Westmeath independent TD Kevin “Boxer” Moran, who served in a Fine Gael-led minority government between 2017 and 2020, expressed his willingness to listen to offers to join the new coalition in Dublin. “Look, my door’s open,” he told RTE. “Someone knocks, I’m always there to open it.” Marian Harkin, an independent TD for Sligo-Leitrim, expressed her desire to participate in government as she noted that Fianna Fail and Fine Gael were within “shouting distance” of an overall majority. “That means they will be looking for support, and I certainly will be one of those people who will be speaking to them and talking to them and negotiating with them, and I’m looking forward to doing that, because that was the reason that I ran in the first place,” she said. Meanwhile, the Social Democrats and Irish Labour Party both appear cautious about the prospect of an alliance with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. They will no doubt be mindful of the experience of the Green Party, the junior partner in the last mandate. The Greens experienced near wipeout in the election, retaining only one of their 12 seats. Sinn Fein appears to currently have no realistic route to government, given Fianna Fail and Fine Gael’s ongoing refusal to share power with the party. Despite the odds being stacked against her party, Sinn Fein president Mary Lou McDonald contacted the leaders of the Social Democrats and Labour on Monday to discuss options. Earlier, Fianna Fail deputy leader and outgoing Finance Minister Jack Chambers predicted that a new coalition government would not be in place before Christmas. Mr Chambers said planned talks about forming an administration required “time and space” to ensure that any new government will be “coherent and stable”. After an inconclusive outcome to the 2020 election, it took five months for Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Greens to strike the last coalition deal. Mr Chambers said he did not believe it would take that long this time, as he noted the Covid-19 pandemic was a factor in 2020, but he also made clear it would not be a swift process. He said he agreed with analysis that there was no prospect of a deal before Christmas. “I don’t expect a government to be formed in mid-December, when the Dail is due to meet on December 18, probably a Ceann Comhairle (speaker) can be elected, and there’ll have to be time and space taken to make sure we can form a coherent, stable government,” he told RTE. “I don’t think it should take five months like it did the last time – Covid obviously complicated that. But I think all political parties need to take the time to see what’s possible and try and form a stable government for the Irish people.” Fine Gael minister of state Peter Burke said members of his parliamentary party would have to meet to consider their options before giving Mr Harris a mandate to negotiate a new programme for government with Fianna Fail. “It’s important that we have a strong, stable, viable government, whatever form that may be, to ensure that we can meet the challenges of our society, meet the challenges in terms of the economic changes that are potentially going to happen,” he told RTE. Despite being set to emerge with the most seats, it has not been all good news for Fianna Fail. The party’s outgoing Health Minister Stephen Donnelly became one of the biggest casualties of the election when he lost his seat in Wicklow in the early hours of Monday morning. Mr Donnelly was always predicted to face a fight in the constituency after boundary changes saw it reduced from five to four seats. If it is to be a reprise of the Fianna Fail/Fine Gael governing partnership of the last mandate, one of the major questions is around the position of taoiseach and whether the parties will once again take turns to hold the Irish premiership during the lifetime of the new government. The outcome in 2020 saw the parties enter a coalition on the basis that the holder of the premier position would be exchanged midway through the term. Fianna Fail leader Mr Martin took the role for the first half of the mandate, with Leo Varadkar taking over in December 2022. Current Fine Gael leader Mr Harris succeeded Mr Varadkar as taoiseach when he resigned from the role earlier this year. However, this time Fianna Fail has significantly increased its seat lead over Fine Gael, compared with the last election when there were only three seats between the parties. The size of the disparity in party numbers is likely to draw focus on the rotating taoiseach arrangement, raising questions as to whether it will be re-run in the next coalition and, if it is, on what terms. On Sunday, Simon Coveney, a former deputy leader of Fine Gael, said a coalition that did not repeat the rotating taoiseach arrangement in some fashion would be a “difficult proposition” for his party. Meanwhile, Fine Gael minister Paschal Donohoe said he would be making the case for Mr Harris to have another opportunity to serve as taoiseach. On Monday, Mr Chambers said while his party would expect to lead the government it would approach the issue of rotating the taoiseach’s role on the basis of “mutual respect” with Fine Gael. “I think the context of discussions and negotiations will be driven by mutual respect, and that’s the glue that will drive a programme for government and that’s the context in which we’ll engage,” he said. On Monday, Labour leader Ivana Bacik reiterated her party’s determination to forge an alliance with fellow centre-left parties with the intention of having a unified approach to the prospect of entering government. Asked if Labour was prepared to go into government with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael on its own, she told RTE: “No, not at this stage. We are absolutely not willing to do that. “We want to ensure there’s the largest number of TDs who share our vision and our values who want to deliver change on the same basis that we do.” The Social Democrats have been non-committal about any potential arrangement with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, and have restated a series of red lines they would need to achieve before considering taking a place in government. Leader Holly Cairns, who gave birth to a daughter on polling day on Friday, said in a statement: “The party is in a very strong position to play an important role in the next Dail. In what position, government or opposition, remains to be seen.” Fianna Fail secured the most first preference votes in Friday’s proportional representation election, taking 21.9% to Fine Gael’s 20.8%. Sinn Fein came in third on 19%. While Sinn Fein’s vote share represented a marked improvement on its disappointing showing in June’s local elections in Ireland, it is still significantly down on the 24.5% poll-topping share it secured in the 2020 general election. The final breakdown of first preferences also flipped the result of Friday night’s exit poll, which suggested Sinn Fein was in front on 21.1%, with Fine Gael on 21% and Fianna Fail on 19.5%.US President-elect Donald Trump's promise to impose a 60% tariff on imports from China and a 10-20% tariff on all other imports has triggered a public debate about whether such policies are really so bad. After all, a tariff is a consumption tax, and most economists favour taxes on consumption over income taxes. But tariffs have significant drawbacks. Since they tax only imported products, they distort markets by shifting resources from more efficient foreign producers to less efficient domestic firms. This inefficiency comes at the expense of consumers, and like most consumption taxes, tariffs are regressive, placing a heavier burden on low-income households. Still, tariffs do have political appeal. Critics of globalisation in advanced economies have long argued that the efficiency gains from recent decades of trade liberalisation have been modest relative to the disruptions caused. While US consumers benefited from lower prices on imported goods, particularly from China, these widely dispersed gains were less salient than the concentrated pain of factory closures and job losses in regions exposed to import competition. The problem with such arguments is that they ignore the current macroeconomic context. Inflation over the last three years has increased consumer sensitivity to price changes. Voters today will be far more attuned to the inflationary pressures of tariffs than they were in the past. While proponents of new tariffs claim that China would bear the brunt of the financial burden, the evidence from the 2018-19 tariffs shows otherwise: US consumers bore most of the cost. Even if US prices remained unchanged, unintended consequences could follow. If broad-based tariffs led to a sharp depreciation of China's currency, the stronger dollar would make Chinese imports relatively cheaper. This may partly offset the higher prices caused by tariffs, but it would undermine the original goal of making US manufacturing more competitive. Meanwhile, the stronger dollar would hurt US exports, worsening the trade deficit. This suggests that the multiple goals currently advertised for tariffs -- reshoring manufacturing, reducing the trade deficit, generating revenue, lessening America's reliance on China, and forcing China into negotiations, all while minimising the impact on consumers -- often conflict with one another. This is because tariffs affect the US economy through prices. To boost US competitiveness or reduce the deficit, tariffs must raise import prices -- a politically toxic outcome today. Reducing America's reliance on China is also complex, given that Chinese-made intermediates are embedded in many goods exported to the US from third countries. Since 2018-19, China and several "bystander" countries have registered robust export growth despite tariffs. The proposed new tariffs might affect only direct Chinese exports to the US, not to other countries. The argument for tariffs as a revenue-generating mechanism is interesting and novel (in the sense that it has not been used for many centuries). But it does not hold up. Tariffs cannot possibly replace income taxes as a source of revenue: the scale of the income tax base is roughly an order of magnitude larger than the scale of imports. Still, tariffs could generate some government revenue, with China potentially bearing part of the cost. If used as a short-term negotiating tactic, they could apply some economic pressure on China. Strengthening the United States' negotiating leverage is the most compelling argument for tariffs. The 2018-19 tariffs led to the "phase one" agreement, a planned de-escalation in exchange for Chinese commitments to import more from the US and address concerns about intellectual property and technology transfers. But the 2018-19 tariffs were far from cost-free. They poisoned US-China relations, escalated tensions, pushed China into an alliance with Russia and Iran, and fueled anti-Asian sentiment domestically. They eroded America's relationships with allies who were not consulted and who found themselves also targeted by specific tariffs. And when all was said and done, the phase one deal's full impact was never realised. The disruption to trade from the pandemic meant that China fell far short of its commitments to purchase goods from the US. Today's tariff proposals risk repeating history, only on a grander scale. The incoming administration will face a wary, inflation-sensitive public and a Chinese regime that is well prepared to pursue large-scale retaliation. Whether tariffs become a negotiating tool or a source of greater economic disruption depends on how the administration balances competing objectives. Reason and strategic foresight will be crucial. ©2024 Project Syndicate Pinelopi Koujianou Goldberg, a former World Bank Group chief economist and editor-in-chief of the American Economic Review, is Professor of Economics at Yale University.Despite Mary Lou McDonald’s confidence around shaping a coalition without Fine Gael and Fianna Fail – the two parties that have dominated the landscape of Irish politics for a century – the pathway to government for Sinn Fein still appears challenging. With counting following Friday’s election still in the relatively early stages – after an exit poll that showed the main three parties effectively neck-and-neck – there is some way to go before the final picture emerges and the options for government formation crystalise. Taoiseach and Fine Gael leader, Simon Harris, has dismissed talk of a Sinn Fein surge and said he was “cautiously optimistic” about where his party will stand after all the votes are counted. Meanwhile, Ireland’s deputy premier and Fianna Fail leader, Micheal Martin, insisted his party has a “very clear route back to government” as he predicted seat gains. The counting process could last days because of Ireland’s complex system of proportional representation with a single transferable vote (PR-STV), where candidates are ranked by preference. The early indications have turned the focus to the tricky arithmetic of government formation, as the country’s several smaller parties and many independents potentially jockey for a place in government. Ms McDonald told reporters at the RDS count centre in Dublin that she would be “very, very actively pursuing” the potential to form a government with other parties on the left of the political spectrum. The smaller, left-leaning parties in Ireland include the Social Democrats, the Irish Labour Party, the Green Party and People Before Profit-Solidarity. Ms McDonald said her party had delivered an “incredible performance” in the election. “I think it’s fair to say that we have now confirmed that we have broken the political mould here in this state,” she said. “Two party politics is now gone. It’s consigned to the dustbin of history and that, in itself, is very significant.” She added: “I am looking to bring about a government of change, and I’m going to go and look at all formulations. “If you want my bottom line, the idea of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael for another five years, in our strong opinion, is not a good outcome for Irish society. “Obviously, I want to talk to other parties of the left and those that we share very significant policy objectives with. So I’m going to do that first and just hear their mind, hear their thinking. But be very clear, we will be very, very actively pursuing entrance into government.” In Friday night’s exit poll, Sinn Fein was predicted to take 21.1% of first-preference votes, narrowly ahead of outgoing coalition partners Fine Gael and Fianna Fail at 21% and 19.5% respectively. Prior to the election, Fianna Fail and Fine Gael both ruled out entering government with Sinn Fein. Fine Gael leader Mr Harris rejected suggestions Sinn Fein had broken new ground. He told reporters in his count centre in Greystones, Co Wicklow: “Certainly we haven’t seen a Sinn Fein surge or anything like it. “I mean, it looks likely, on the figures that we’ve seen now, fewer people, many fewer people would have voted Sinn Fein in this election than the last one. “In fact, I think they’re down by around 5% and actually the parties, particularly the two parties, the two larger parties in government, are likely to receive significant support from the electorate. So definitely, politics in Ireland has gotten much more fragmented.” He said it was too early to tell what the next government would look like. “I think anybody who makes any suggestion about who is going to be the largest party or the construct of the next government, they’re a braver person than I am,” he said. “Our electoral system dictates that there’ll be many, many transfers that will go on for hours, if not days, before we know the final computations at all. “But what I am very confident about is that my party will have a very significant role to play in the years ahead, and I’m cautiously optimistic and excited.” Fianna Fail’s Mr Martin told reporters at a count centre in Cork he was confident that the numbers exist to form a government with parties that shared his political viewpoint. Mr Martin said it “remains to be seen” whether he would return to the role of Taoiseach – a position he held between 2020 and 2022 – but he expressed confidence his party would outperform the exit poll prediction. “It’s a bit too early yet to call the exact type of government that will be formed or the composition of the next government,” he said. “But I think there are, there will be a sufficiency of seats, it seems to me, that aligns with the core principles that I articulated at the outset of this campaign and throughout the campaign, around the pro-enterprise economy, around a positively pro-European position, a government that will strongly push for home ownership and around parties that are transparently democratic in how they conduct their affairs.” Asked if it would be in a coalition with Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Social Democrats, he said that would be “racing a bit too far ahead”. The final result may dictate that if Fianna Fail and Fine Gael are to return to government, they may need more than one junior partner, or potentially the buy-in of several independent TDs. Mr Martin said it was unclear how quickly a government can be formed, as he predicted his party would gain new seats. “It will be challenging. This is not easy,” he added. The junior partner in the outgoing government – the Green Party – looks set for a bruising set of results. Green leader Roderic O’Gorman is in a fight to hold onto his seat, as are a number of party colleagues, including Media Minister Catherine Martin. “It’s clear the Green Party has not had a good day,” he said. The early counting also suggested potential trouble for Fianna Fail in Wicklow, where the party’s only candidate in the constituency, Health Minister Stephen Donnelly, is considered to have a battle ahead, with the risk of losing his seat. Meanwhile, there is significant focus on independent candidate Gerard Hutch who, on Saturday evening, was sitting in fourth place in the four-seat constituency of Dublin Central. Last spring, Mr Hutch was found not guilty by the non-jury Special Criminal Court of the murder of David Byrne, in one of the first deadly attacks of the Hutch-Kinahan gangland feud. Mr Byrne, 33, died after being shot six times at a crowded boxing weigh-in event at the Regency Hotel in February 2016. A Special Criminal Court judge described Mr Hutch, 61, as the patriarchal figurehead of the Hutch criminal organisation and said he had engaged in “serious criminal conduct”. The constituency will be closely watched as other hopefuls wait to see if transfers from eliminated candidates may eventually rule him out of contention. In the constituency of Louth, the much-criticised selection of John McGahon appeared not to have paid off for Fine Gael. The party’s campaign was beset by questioning over footage entering the public domain of the candidate engaged in a fight outside a pub in 2018. The Social Democrats have a strong chance of emerging as the largest of the smaller parties. The party’s leader, Holly Cairns, was already celebrating before a single vote was counted however, having announced the birth of her baby girl on polling day.
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Three long days of counting in the General Election finished late on Monday night when the final two seats were declared in the constituency of Cavan-Monaghan. Fianna Fail was the clear winner of the election, securing 48 of the Dail parliament’s 174 seats. Sinn Fein took 39 and Fine Gael 38. Labour and the Social Democrats both won 11 seats; People Before Profit-Solidarity took three; Aontu secured two; and the Green Party retained only one of its 12 seats. Independents and others accounted for 21 seats. The return of a Fianna Fail/Fine Gael-led coalition is now highly likely. However, their combined seat total of 86 leaves them just short of the 88 needed for a majority in the Dail. While the two centrist parties that have dominated Irish politics for a century could look to strike a deal with one of the Dail’s smaller centre-left parties, such as the Social Democrats or Labour, a more straightforward route to a majority could be achieved by securing the support of several independent TDs. For Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin and current taoiseach and Fine Gael leader Simon Harris, wooing like-minded independents would be likely to involve fewer policy concessions, and financial commitments, than would be required to convince another party to join the government benches. Longford-Westmeath independent TD Kevin “Boxer” Moran, who served in a Fine Gael-led minority government between 2017 and 2020, expressed his willingness to listen to offers to join the new coalition in Dublin. “Look, my door’s open,” he told RTE. “Someone knocks, I’m always there to open it.” Marian Harkin, an independent TD for Sligo-Leitrim, expressed her desire to participate in government as she noted that Fianna Fail and Fine Gael were within “shouting distance” of an overall majority. “That means they will be looking for support, and I certainly will be one of those people who will be speaking to them and talking to them and negotiating with them, and I’m looking forward to doing that, because that was the reason that I ran in the first place,” she said. Meanwhile, the Social Democrats and Irish Labour Party both appear cautious about the prospect of an alliance with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. They will no doubt be mindful of the experience of the Green Party, the junior partner in the last mandate. The Greens experienced near wipeout in the election, retaining only one of their 12 seats. Sinn Fein appears to currently have no realistic route to government, given Fianna Fail and Fine Gael’s ongoing refusal to share power with the party. Despite the odds being stacked against her party, Sinn Fein president Mary Lou McDonald contacted the leaders of the Social Democrats and Labour on Monday to discuss options. Earlier, Fianna Fail deputy leader and outgoing Finance Minister Jack Chambers predicted that a new coalition government would not be in place before Christmas. Mr Chambers said planned talks about forming an administration required “time and space” to ensure that any new government will be “coherent and stable”. After an inconclusive outcome to the 2020 election, it took five months for Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Greens to strike the last coalition deal. Mr Chambers said he did not believe it would take that long this time, as he noted the Covid-19 pandemic was a factor in 2020, but he also made clear it would not be a swift process. He said he agreed with analysis that there was no prospect of a deal before Christmas. “I don’t expect a government to be formed in mid-December, when the Dail is due to meet on December 18, probably a Ceann Comhairle (speaker) can be elected, and there’ll have to be time and space taken to make sure we can form a coherent, stable government,” he told RTE. “I don’t think it should take five months like it did the last time – Covid obviously complicated that. But I think all political parties need to take the time to see what’s possible and try and form a stable government for the Irish people.” Fine Gael minister of state Peter Burke said members of his parliamentary party would have to meet to consider their options before giving Mr Harris a mandate to negotiate a new programme for government with Fianna Fail. “It’s important that we have a strong, stable, viable government, whatever form that may be, to ensure that we can meet the challenges of our society, meet the challenges in terms of the economic changes that are potentially going to happen,” he told RTE. Despite being set to emerge with the most seats, it has not been all good news for Fianna Fail. The party’s outgoing Health Minister Stephen Donnelly became one of the biggest casualties of the election when he lost his seat in Wicklow in the early hours of Monday morning. Mr Donnelly was always predicted to face a fight in the constituency after boundary changes saw it reduced from five to four seats. If it is to be a reprise of the Fianna Fail/Fine Gael governing partnership of the last mandate, one of the major questions is around the position of taoiseach and whether the parties will once again take turns to hold the Irish premiership during the lifetime of the new government. The outcome in 2020 saw the parties enter a coalition on the basis that the holder of the premier position would be exchanged midway through the term. Fianna Fail leader Mr Martin took the role for the first half of the mandate, with Leo Varadkar taking over in December 2022. Current Fine Gael leader Mr Harris succeeded Mr Varadkar as taoiseach when he resigned from the role earlier this year. However, this time Fianna Fail has significantly increased its seat lead over Fine Gael, compared with the last election when there were only three seats between the parties. The size of the disparity in party numbers is likely to draw focus on the rotating taoiseach arrangement, raising questions as to whether it will be re-run in the next coalition and, if it is, on what terms. On Sunday, Simon Coveney, a former deputy leader of Fine Gael, said a coalition that did not repeat the rotating taoiseach arrangement in some fashion would be a “difficult proposition” for his party. Meanwhile, Fine Gael minister Paschal Donohoe said he would be making the case for Mr Harris to have another opportunity to serve as taoiseach. On Monday, Mr Chambers said while his party would expect to lead the government it would approach the issue of rotating the taoiseach’s role on the basis of “mutual respect” with Fine Gael. “I think the context of discussions and negotiations will be driven by mutual respect, and that’s the glue that will drive a programme for government and that’s the context in which we’ll engage,” he said. On Monday, Labour leader Ivana Bacik reiterated her party’s determination to forge an alliance with fellow centre-left parties with the intention of having a unified approach to the prospect of entering government. Asked if Labour was prepared to go into government with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael on its own, she told RTE: “No, not at this stage. We are absolutely not willing to do that. “We want to ensure there’s the largest number of TDs who share our vision and our values who want to deliver change on the same basis that we do.” The Social Democrats have been non-committal about any potential arrangement with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, and have restated a series of red lines they would need to achieve before considering taking a place in government. Leader Holly Cairns, who gave birth to a daughter on polling day on Friday, said in a statement: “The party is in a very strong position to play an important role in the next Dail. In what position, government or opposition, remains to be seen.” Fianna Fail secured the most first preference votes in Friday’s proportional representation election, taking 21.9% to Fine Gael’s 20.8%. Sinn Fein came in third on 19%. While Sinn Fein’s vote share represented a marked improvement on its disappointing showing in June’s local elections in Ireland, it is still significantly down on the 24.5% poll-topping share it secured in the 2020 general election. The final breakdown of first preferences also flipped the result of Friday night’s exit poll, which suggested Sinn Fein was in front on 21.1%, with Fine Gael on 21% and Fianna Fail on 19.5%.
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Premier is prepared to override the courts by giving municipalities and police “enhanced legislative powers” to “dismantle” across Ontario. “We are acting to put an end to the public disorder, drug use and trafficking and loss of public space that have resulted from the widespread growth in encampments,” Ford said Thursday. His comments came in a response to to help them deal with encampments and “where necessary use the notwithstanding clause” to ensure any efforts aren’t overturned by the courts. “I am confident that the legislative authorities the province is preparing are common sense, practical and entirely aligned with the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, especially for the law-abiding residents who simply want to enjoy the benefits of their local public spaces,” the premier told them. “For that reason, I do not expect the legislation will need to proactively invoke Section 33 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms,” he said. “However, should the courts interfere with our shared goal of effectively addressing and clearing out encampments using these enhanced tools, with your support, our government is fully prepared to use the notwithstanding clause.” His letter came after the mayors of Barrie, Brampton, Brantford, Cambridge, Chatham-Kent, Clarington, Oakville, Oshawa, Pickering, St. Catharines, Sudbury and Windsor appealed to him two weeks ago for help. They urged his government to “become an intervener on any court case that restricts the ability of municipalities to regulate and prohibit encampments” and “strengthen the existing system of mandatory community-based and residential mental health care and to expand service to treat those who have severe and debilitating addictions.” While there are more than 1,000 people living in tents in Toronto parks throughout the city, did not sign the letter. The premier agreed there is “an urgent need to do more and I am thrilled that you have shown considerable leadership in putting forward concrete and actionable solutions.” “Ontario is finalizing the details of new initiatives, including enhanced legislative powers, that will be responsive to your requests,” he wrote. “The new legislation and supporting initiatives will achieve the outcomes all of us agree are necessary in order to protect public safety and dismantle encampments.” Legislation, which is expected before the house rises for the holiday break next Thursday, will include a funding boost “to create more capacity in our shelter systems, supported by the new accountability measures to ensure these funds support dismantling encampments.” As well, it will gives police “new tools and authorities” to further curb the use of illicit drugs in public. Brampton Mayor Patrick Brown said he was “very pleased with the response from the premier.” “We don’t permit illicit drugs in our Peel shelters and it’s why we have seen encampments grow among those struggling with addictions,” said Brown. “We simply can’t have dangerous drug use in our parks and public spaces. The commitment to clearly prohibit it and back it up legally is helpful,” he said. “I just hope the next shoe to fall is compassionate intervention for addictions.” In Waterloo last year, a judge ruled that evicting those living in homeless encampments would be a violation of their Charter rights if no shelter spaces are available. A similar judicial ruling was also handed down in Kingston. Use of the notwithstanding clause which Ford has invoked before, being the first Ontario premier to use the Constitution’s nuclear option allows a government to pass legislation overriding certain rights. On Tuesday, the for his decision to close 10 of 17 Ontario’s supervised consumption sites in favour of 19 Homelessness and Addiction Recovery Treatment hubs. Auditor general Shelley Spence said shuttering the facilities near schools and daycares was made “without proper planning.”