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LOADING ERROR LOADING A hallmark of Donald Trump’s first presidency was the way major policy developments would sometimes get almost no attention, because they were competing with the flurry of higher-profile, mind-blowing controversies swirling around him and his team. Evidently Trump’s second presidency is going to unfold in the same way. For the past week, the political world has focused mostly on the controversies over Trump’s planned appointments for top positions in his administration. And that’s understandable, given his plan to put the nation’s health in the hands of a noted vaccine skeptic and to hand the national intelligence apparatus over to someone who likes to repeat talking points from Russian propaganda . Advertisement But that conversation has left virtually no space for discussion about policy changes — including one that should raise a lot of questions about exactly whose interests Trump will represent in government and exactly who has influence over him. The policy in question is a federal tax credit for buyers of new electric vehicles. It exists thanks to the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act, President Joe Biden’s signature legislative accomplishment, and is part of that law’s effort to reduce reliance on fossil fuels by promoting EV use. Last week Reuters reported that Trump’s transition team was recommending he ask Congress to kill the tax credit. And while Trump has not said anything publicly, auto industry leaders and investors saw the report as a trial balloon and indicator of what the president-elect is likely to do. It was not exactly a shocking development. Trump has been speaking out against Democratic support of EVs ― or what he has called, deceptively, an “ electric vehicle mandate ” ― for years. Especially when speaking in states like Michigan, cradle of America’s auto industry, he has portrayed the EV effort as elite Democrats imposing a tree-hugging agenda that will ruin the U.S. auto industry and, in the process, wipe out jobs for U.S. workers. Advertisement Still, Trump never said explicitly whether he’d actually seek to eliminate the tax credit. And there were reasons to think he might not pursue the idea after the election. One is that a number of House Republicans support the EV incentives. Many come from places like Georgia, Ohio, Indiana and Nevada ― states that Trump won and where the EV effort has led to a boom in factory construction. The recent EV push has “created good jobs in many parts of the country — including many districts represented by members of our conference,” the House members wrote in a summer letter to House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) Then there are the feelings of the auto industry itself. Both Ford and General Motors, the two legacy car companies still based in Detroit, have supported the tax credit because they think a global shift towards EVs is inevitable. The real question now, they argue, is not whether there will be many more EVs in the future, but who will produce and sell them. The U.S. carmakers are particularly worried about losing ground to Chinese companies. Thanks to two decades of financial support from their own government, Chinese carmakers can now produce EVs more cheaply and, as a result, are poised to dominate the worldwide market. The new federal tax credit, worth up to $7,500 per vehicle but only valid for EVs produced here in the U.S., is giving Ford and GM a chance to compete on a more even playing field among U.S. consumers. Good jobs in the districts of House Republicans, a chance to help American industry compete with China ― those sure sound like ideas that might resonate with Trump. Advertisement But those aren’t the only appeals Trump is hearing. He’s also hearing from some of his biggest, and richest, allies. And they have a very different view. Hamm, Musk And EVs One of the co-leaders of the transition team on EV policy, according to Reuters, is Harold Hamm , a billionaire oil tycoon who was a prodigious Trump fundraiser during the campaign (and donated plenty of his own money, too). Hamm opposes support for EVs, whose growth over the long term would reduce demand for gasoline ― i.e., the financial lifeblood of his enterprises. Elon Musk, another Trump megadonor, also has the president-elect’s ear. And although Musk is the CEO of Tesla, the nation’s top electric carmaker, Musk has said his company doesn’t need the subsidies because it’s not trying to retool from making gas-powered cars and isn’t at the same disadvantage internationally as the legacy Detroit automakers. “I think it would be devastating for our competitors and for Tesla slightly,” Musk told investors over the summer. But he said that in the “long term, it probably helps” Tesla if Trump does away with the tax credit, since that could allow Tesla to more thoroughly dominate the U.S. market. Corey Cantor , a senior auto industry analyst at BloombergNEF, told HuffPost he thinks Tesla sales benefit from the tax credits more than Musk lets on. But he agrees Tesla has “far more flexibility” and would suffer less. Advertisement One reason for that is that Musk has fought unionisation at his auto plants and, according to outside analysts, pays his workers less than competitors . A major goal of the Biden EV push was to support unionised companies in the U.S. and, in the process, guarantee better pay for manufacturing workers. It’s impossible to know just how much Trump’s opposition to the EV tax credit reflects the influence of Hamm and Musk, given his own longstanding skepticism of measures to prevent climate change. But Trump has a lengthy , well-chronicled history of heeding or helping donors who want policy favors, or offering them positions in his administration. And that’s to say of nothing of how Trump and his family profited personally when, for example, lobbyists and foreign dignitaries would stay at Trump’s Washington hotel. One w atchdog group determined through public disclosures that his daughter, Ivanka, and her husband, Jared Kushner, made as much as $640 million in outside income during Trump’s first term. Now Trump is on his way back to the White House, with a transition team led by and stocked with billionaires . Musk, along with fellow billionaire Vivek Ramaswamy, are leading a so-called Department of Government Efficiency (“DOGE”) task force that, though not an official government entity, will identify targets for big cuts in government spending. The Political Game Lobbyists and analysts familiar with the transition told The New York Times they thought Ford and GM (and Stellantis, the other Detroit company, which is now part of a foreign conglomerate) still had a chance to save the tax credit, if they’re strategic enough. Advertisement As these sources explained it to the Times, part of Trump’s motivation for killing the tax credit was his grudge against the Detroit companies because of their past support for auto emissions policies he opposed. To get on Trump’s good side, the companies needed to make amends ― or, as the Times put it, “bow to Mr. Trump.” Trump has always been unabashedly transactional . The variable is which kind of currency will get him to respond. Campaign contributions? Family enrichment? Personal abasement? Some combination of the above? The future of EVs, like so many other issues in policy for the next four years, may depend on who figures out the answer. Related Donald Trump elon musk 2024 elections 5 Things To Know About Pam Bondi, Trump’s New Pick For Attorney General Trump's New ‘Nepotism’ Line Has Critics In Disbelief Trump Is Filling His White House With Men Accused Of Sexual MisconductTimesaco Semiconductor, a leading provider of advanced semiconductor solutions, has been making waves in the industry with its cutting-edge technology and innovative products. The company's focus on research and development has garnered the attention of major investors who see its potential to disrupt the market and revolutionize the semiconductor industry. As a result, large funds have been pouring in to support Timesaco Semiconductor's growth and expansion initiatives.None
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As we reflect on the absence of Messi and Ronaldo from the annual best XI, it is clear that we are witnessing a changing of the guard in the world of football. While these two icons will always be remembered as two of the greatest players to have ever graced the game, it is time for new stars to shine and carry the torch forward. The emergence of a new generation of talent signals the dawn of a new era in football, one that is sure to be filled with excitement, drama, and unforgettable moments on the pitch.
Article content DENVER — Amid renewed interest in the killing of JonBenet Ramsey triggered in part by a new Netflix documentary, police in Boulder, Colorado, refuted assertions this week that there is viable evidence and leads about the 1996 killing of the 6-year-old girl that they are not pursuing. Recommended Videos JonBenet Ramsey, who competed in beauty pageants, was found dead in the basement of her family’s home in the college town of Boulder the day after Christmas in 1996. Her body was found several hours after her mother called 911 to say her daughter was missing and a ransom note had been left behind. The details of the crime and video footage of JonBenet competing in pageants propelled the case into one of the highest-profile mysteries in the United States. The police comments came as part of their annual update on the investigation, a month before the 28th anniversary of JonBenet’s killing. Police said they released it a little earlier due to the increased attention on the case, apparently referring to the three-part Netflix series “ Cold Case: Who Killed JonBenet Ramsey .” In a video statement, Boulder Police Chief Steve Redfearn said the department welcomes news coverage and documentaries about the killing of JonBenet, who would have been 34 this year, as a way to generate possible new leads. He said the department is committed to solving the case but needs to be careful about what it shares about the investigation to protect a possible future prosecution. “What I can tell you though, is we have thoroughly investigated multiple people as suspects throughout the years and we continue to be open-minded about what occurred as we investigate the tips that come into detectives,” he said. As we approach the 28th anniversary of the murder of JonBenet Ramsey, the Boulder Police Department is providing its annual update about the ongoing homicide investigation. “The killing of JonBenet was an unspeakable crime and this tragedy has never left our hearts,” Boulder... pic.twitter.com/0qmZuwU6kO The Netflix documentary focuses on the mistakes made by police and the “media circus” surrounding the case. JonBenet was bludgeoned and strangled. Her death was ruled a homicide, but nobody was ever prosecuted. Police were widely criticized for mishandling the early investigation into her death amid speculation that her family was responsible. However, a prosecutor cleared her parents, John and Patsy Ramsey, and brother Burke in 2008 based on new DNA evidence from JonBenet’s clothing that pointed to the involvement of an “unexplained third party” in her slaying. The announcement by former district attorney Mary Lacy came two years after Patsy Ramsey died of cancer. Lacy called the Ramseys “victims of this crime.” John Ramsey has continued to speak out for the case to be solved. In 2022, he supported an online petition asking Colorado’s governor to intervene in the investigation by putting an outside agency in charge of DNA testing in the case. In the Netflix documentary, he said he has been advocating for several items that have not been prepared for DNA testing to be tested and for other items to be retested. He said the results should be put through a genealogy database. In recent years, investigators have identified suspects in unsolved cases by comparing DNA profiles from crime scenes and to DNA testing results shared online by people researching their family trees. In 2021, police said in their annual update that DNA hadn’t been ruled out to help solve the case, and in 2022 noted that some evidence could be “consumed” if DNA testing is done on it. Last year, police said they convened a panel of outside experts to review the investigation to give recommendations and determine if updated technologies or forensic testing might produce new leads. In the latest update, Redfearn said that review had ended but that police continue to work through and evaluate a “lengthy list of recommendations” from the panel. — Amy Beth Hanson contributed to this report from Helena, Montana.
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No. 7 Tennessee outscored UT Martin by 28 points in the second half in routing the visiting Skyhawks 78-35 on Friday afternoon in Knoxville. Chaz Lanier scored a game-high 18 points for the Volunteers (7-0), who expanded on a 35-20 halftime lead with a 43-15 second half. Felix Okpara had 10 points, 11 rebounds and four blocks, helping Tennessee command the paint along with Igor Milicic, who added nine points and 13 rebounds. Zakai Zeigler nearly had a double-double with 11 points and nine assists. The Volunteers used their size to their advantage, outscoring UT Martin 36-10 in the paint and out rebounding the Skyhawks 49-24. That included 20 offensive rebounds for Tennessee, which led to 19 second-chance points. UT Martin (2-5) was cold coming out of the locker room after halftime, missing its first eight shots. Conversely, the Vols started the second half with a nine-point run to extend their lead to 24 points. The Vols never let the Skyhawks score consecutive baskets in the first half, holding UT Martin to 25 percent shooting (4 of 16) from beyond the arc and allowing a total of only three points from the starting five. For the game, guard Josue Grullon led UT Martin with 15 points. The leading scorer in the Ohio Valley Conference entering Friday at 18.2 points per game, Grullon has not started any game for head coach Jeremy Shulman. Most of the Skyhawks' points -- 28 of 35 -- came from their reserves. The starting five combined to score seven points -- six points from Matija Zuzic and a free throw for Lamine Niag. The starters went a combined 2 of 18 from the floor, while UT Martin as a team shot 22.6 percent (12 of 53) from the field. The Skyhawks made 5 of 7 free-throw attempts and made 18 turnovers. The Volunteers, who got 23 points off the bench, were 8-for-10 and had 11 turnovers. Tennessee improved to 6-0 all-time against UT Martin since 1993. --Field Level MediaThe group's dedication to sustainable development is evident in its choice of materials, construction methods, and energy-efficient technologies. By incorporating green building practices and sustainable design principles into its projects, the Beijing Urban Construction Group is helping to create a more environmentally friendly and socially responsible urban environment for future generations.
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