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NEW DELHI: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who passed away last week, embodied a calm resilience and nonchalance that was diametrically opposed to the chaos and high-pitched clamour representative of national politics. As the chief cartographer of India's economic reforms roadmap, Singh unshackled the country from the chains of the Licence Raj, threw open the floodgates of liberalisation, and pulled it back from the brink of catastrophe when even its gold reserve was pledged. The unassuming, erudite, and soft-spoken scholar has been described as the midwife of India's emergence as one of the world's leading economic powerhouses. To place his contribution into context, examine a period in our economic history when terminologies like GDP, forex reserves, bourses and per capita income growth weren't part of the common citizen's lexicon. During his stint as Finance Minister, between 1991-92 to 1995-96, he helped propel the economy from a near stagnation growth rate of 1.4% to a high growth trajectory of 7.3%. Similarly, during his prime ministerial tenure, the nation witnessed an unprecedented five years of over 7% GDP growth which in turn led to a never before over 6% annual jump in the average Indian's income. Between 2005-06 and 2007-08, India witnessed a growth rate in excess of 9%. Between June 1991 and June 1996, the country's foreign exchange reserves also witnessed a 5x rise — from $4.7 bn to $22.1 bn. A triple jump in annual rate of poverty decline during the UPA years (2004-05 to 2011-12) as compared to the previous decade — from 0.74% in 1993-94 to 2004-05 to 2.18% in the 2004-05 to 2011-12 period, also underscored how Singh's attempts to sync the economy with the dreams of a billion Indians were bearing fruit. His reforms in 1991 included the fearsome devaluation of the rupee from Rs 21 against the dollar to Rs 25 in two stages. Liberalisation of the trade policy entailed abolishing of export subsidies, ending the monopoly of state trading companies. The revamp of the industrial policy ended licensing for most sectors, opening up to FDI of up to 51% via automatic route in 34 sectors. Under Singh's guidance, the Controller of Capital Issues, the Indian market's regulatory authority, was abolished and Sebi was given statutory powers. Principles of social justice and inclusive growth formed the bedrock of Singh's revolutionary reforms — thanks to legislations like the Right to Information (RTI) Act, the Right to Education Act, 2009; the Special Economic Zones Act, 2005; and the National Food Security Act, 2013 and the MGNREGA. The Congress leader, who steered the country as PM for 10 years from 2004-2014, also notched up several achievements on the foreign policy front, as part of presenting a picture of a newer, headstrong India to the world. He was at the helm of the civil nuclear deal with the US that trumpeted India's long awaited arrival on the international arena. The deal permitted New Delhi to carry out nuclear commerce without signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Mind you, Singh had even risked his own prime ministerial perch on account of defending the nuke deal, as an indispensable pillar of the UPA, the CPM had threatened to quit the alliance on this matter, and delivered on the scare too. Singh’s passing signals the end of an epoch in our polity — of an era when civility and temperance were considered the prerequisites for a life in service of the nation.Jimmy Carter, 39th US president, Nobel winner, dies at 100Jetliner Skids off Runway and Bursts into Flames While Landing in South Korea, Killing 179
HUNTSVILLE, Ala. (AP) — Trey Fort had 27 points in Samford's 97-90 win against Alabama A&M on Saturday night. Fort added five rebounds for the Bulldogs (10-3). Collin Holloway shot 4 of 5 from the field and 6 of 6 from the free-throw line to add 16 points. Julian Brown shot 4 for 5 (3 for 4 from 3-point range) and 3 of 3 from the free-throw line to finish with 14 points. The Bulldogs (4-8) were led by Anthony Bryant, who recorded 22 points. Alabama A&M also got 21 points and 10 assists from Bilal Abdur-Rahman. Quincy McGriff also had 13 points. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .
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US senator says mysterious drones spotted in New Jersey should be 'shot down, if necessary'Jimmy Carter, a peanut farmer and little-known Georgia governor who became the 39th president of the United States, promising “honest and decent” government to Watergate-weary Americans, and later returned to the world stage as an influential human rights advocate and Nobel Peace Prize winner, has died. He was 100. When his turbulent presidency ended after a stinging reelection loss in 1980, Carter retreated to Plains, his political career over. Over the four decades that followed, though, he forged a legacy of public service, building homes for the needy, monitoring elections around the globe and emerging as a fearless and sometimes controversial critic of governments that mistreated their citizens. He lived longer than any U.S. president in history and was still regularly teaching Bible classes at his hometown Maranatha Baptist Church well into his 90s. During his post-presidency, he also wrote more than 30 books, including fiction, poetry, deeply personal reflections on his faith, and commentaries on Middle East strife. Though slowed by battles with brain and liver cancer and a series of falls and hip replacement in recent years, he returned again and again to his charity work and continued to offer occasional political commentary, including in support of mail-in voting ahead of the 2020 presidential election. Carter was in his first term as Georgia governor when he launched his campaign to unseat President Gerald Ford in the 1976 election. At the time, the nation was still shaken by President Richard Nixon’s resignation in the Watergate scandal and by the messy end of the Vietnam War. As a moderate Southern Democrat, a standard-bearer of what was then regarded as a more racially tolerant “new South,” Carter promised a government “as good and honest and decent and competent and compassionate and as filled with love as are the American people.” But some of the traits that had helped get Carter elected — his willingness to take on the Washington establishment and his preference for practicality over ideology — didn’t serve him as well in the White House. He showed a deep understanding of policy, and a refreshing modesty and disregard for the ceremonial trappings of the office, but he was unable to make the legislative deals expected of a president. Even though his Democratic Party had a majority in Congress throughout his presidency, he was impatient with the legislative give-and-take and struggled to mobilize party leaders behind his policy initiatives. His presidency also was buffeted by domestic crises — rampant inflation and high unemployment, as well as interminable lines at gas stations triggered by a decline in the global oil supply exacerbated by Iran’s Islamic Revolution. “Looking back, I am struck by how many unpopular objectives we pursued,” Carter acknowledged in his 2010 book, “White House Diary.” “I was sometimes accused of ‘micromanaging’ the affairs of government and being excessively autocratic,” he continued, “and I must admit that my critics probably had a valid point.” Carter’s signature achievements as president were primarily on the international front, and included personally brokering the Camp David peace accords between Egypt and Israel, which have endured for more than 40 years. But it was another international crisis — the storming of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran by Iranian revolutionaries and the government’s inability to win the release of 52 Americans taken hostage — that would cast a long shadow on his presidency and his bid for reelection. Carter authorized a secret military mission to rescue the hostages in April 1980, but it was aborted at the desert staging area; during the withdrawal, eight servicemen were killed when a helicopter crashed into a transport aircraft. The hostages were held for 444 days, a period that spanned Carter’s final 15 months in the White House. They were finally freed the day his successor, Ronald Reagan, took the oath of office. Near the end of Carter’s presidency, one poll put his job approval rating at 21% — lower than Nixon’s when he resigned in disgrace and among the lowest of any White House occupant since World War II. In a rarity for an incumbent president, Carter faced a formidable primary challenge in 1980 from Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, a favorite of the Democratic Party’s liberal wing. Although Carter prevailed, his nomination was in doubt until the party’s August convention. The enmity between Carter and Kennedy, two of the most important Democratic political figures of their generation, continued throughout their lives. In Kennedy’s memoir, published shortly after his death in 2009, he called Carter petty and guilty of “a failure to listen.” While promoting the publication of “White House Diary,” Carter said Kennedy had “deliberately” blocked Carter’s comprehensive healthcare proposals in the late 1970s in hopes of defeating the president in the primary. In the 1980 general election, Carter faced Reagan, then 69, who campaigned on a promise to increase military spending and rescue the economy by cutting taxes and decreasing regulation. Carter lost in a 51% to 41% thumping — he won just six states and the District of Columbia — that devastated the man known for his toothy smile and sent him back to his hometown, an ex-president at 56. A year later, he and Rosalynn founded the Carter Center, which pressed for peaceful solutions to world conflicts, promoted human rights and worked to eradicate disease in the poorest nations. The center, based in Atlanta, launched a new phase of Carter’s public life, one that would move the same historians who called Carter a weak president to label him one of America’s greatest former leaders. His post-presidential years were both “historic and polarizing,” as Princeton University historian Julian E. Zelizer put it in a 2010 biography of Carter. Zelizer said Carter “refused to be constrained politically when pursuing his international agenda” as an ex-president, and became “an enormously powerful figure on the international stage.” When Carter appeared on “The Colbert Report” in 2014, host Stephen Colbert asked him, “You invented the idea of the post-presidency. What inspired you to do that?” “I didn’t have anything else to do,” Carter replied. He traveled widely to mediate conflicts and monitor elections around the world, joined Habitat for Humanity to promote “sweat equity” for low-income homeownership, and became a blunt critic of human rights abuses. He angered conservatives and some liberals by advocating negotiations with autocrats — and his criticism of Israeli leaders and support for Palestinian self-determination angered many Jews. A prolific author, Carter covered a range of topics, including the Middle East crisis and the virtues of aging and religion. He penned a memoir on growing up in the rural South as well as a book of poems, and he was the first president to write a novel — “The Hornet’s Nest,” about the South during the Revolutionary War. He won three Grammy Awards as well for best spoken-word album, most recently in 2019 for “Faith: A Journey For All.” As with many former presidents, Carter’s popularity rose in the years after he left office. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for “decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts” and to advance democracy and human rights. By then, two-thirds of Americans said they approved of his presidency. “Jimmy Carter may never be rated a great president,” wrote Charles O. Jones, a University of Wisconsin political scientist, in his chronicle of the Carter presidency. “Yet it will be difficult in the long run to sustain censure of a president motivated to do what is right.” :::: The journey for James Earl Carter Jr. began on Oct. 1, 1924, in the tiny Sumter County, Georgia, town of Plains, home to fewer than 600 people in 2020. He was the first president born in a hospital, but he lived in a house without electricity or indoor plumbing until he was a teenager. His ancestors had been in Georgia for more than two centuries, and he was the fifth generation to own and farm the same land. His father, James Earl Carter Sr., known as Mr. Earl, was a strict disciplinarian and a conservative businessman of some means. His mother, known as Miss Lillian, had more liberal views — she was known for her charity work and for taking in transients and treating Black residents with kindness. (At the age of 70, she joined the Peace Corps, working in India.) Inspired by an uncle who was in the Navy, Carter decided as a first-grader that he wanted to go to the Naval Academy in Annapolis, Md. He became the first member of his family to finish high school, then attended Georgia Tech before heading for the academy, where he studied engineering and graduated in 1946, 59th in a class of 820. Before his last year in Annapolis, while home for the summer, he met Eleanor Rosalynn Smith, a friend of his sister Ruth’s. He and a friend invited the two young women to the movies, and when he returned home that night, he told his mother he had met “the girl I want to marry.” He proposed that Christmas, but Rosalynn declined because she felt she was too young (she was 18 and a sophomore in college). Several weeks later, while she was visiting Carter at the academy, he asked again. This time she said yes. Carter applied to America’s new nuclear-powered submarine program under the command of the icy and demanding Capt. (later Adm.) Hyman Rickover. During Carter’s interview, Rickover asked whether he had done his best at Annapolis. “I started to say, ‘Yes, sir,’ but ... I recalled several of the many times at the Academy when I could have learned more about our allies, our enemies, weapons, strategy and so forth,” Carter wrote in his autobiography. “... I finally gulped and said, ‘No, sir, I didn’t always do my best.’” To which Rickover replied: “Why not?” Carter got the job, and would later make “Why not the best?” his campaign slogan. The Carters had three sons, who all go by nicknames — John William “Jack,” James Earl “Chip” and Donnel Jeffrey “Jeff.” Carter and Rosalynn had wanted to have more children, but an obstetrician said that surgery Rosalynn had to remove a tumor on her uterus would make that impossible. Fifteen years after Jeffrey was born, the Carters had a daughter, Amy, who “made us young again,” Carter would later write. While in the Navy, Carter took graduate courses in nuclear physics and served as a submariner on the USS Pomfret. But his military career was cut short when his father died, and he moved back to Georgia in 1953 to help run the family business, which was in disarray. In his first year back on the farm, Carter turned a profit of less than $200, the equivalent of about $2,200 today. But with Rosalynn’s help, he expanded the business. In addition to farming 3,100 acres, the family soon operated a seed and fertilizer business, warehouses, a peanut-shelling plant and a cotton gin. By the time he began his campaign for the White House 20 years later, Carter had a net worth of about $800,000, and the revenue from his enterprises was more than $2 million a year. Carter entered electoral politics in 1962, and asked voters to call him “Jimmy.” He ran for a seat in the Georgia Senate against an incumbent backed by a local political boss who stuffed the ballot box. Trailing by 139 votes after the primary, Carter waged a furious legal battle, which he described years later in his book “Turning Point.” Carter got a recount, the primary result was reversed, and he went on to win the general election. The victory was a defining moment for Carter, the outsider committed to fairness and honesty who had successfully battled establishment politicians corrupted by their ties to special interests. In two terms in the Georgia Senate, Carter established a legislative record that was socially progressive and fiscally conservative. He first ran for governor in 1966, but finished third in the primary. Over the next four years, he made 1,800 speeches and shook hands with an estimated 600,000 people — a style of campaigning that paid off in the 1970 gubernatorial election and later in his bid for the White House. In his inaugural address as governor in 1971, Carter made national news by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” He had a portrait of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. hung in a hall at the Capitol in Atlanta. But when Carter launched his official campaign for the White House in December 1974, he was still so little-known outside Georgia that a celebrity panel on the TV show “What’s My Line?” couldn’t identify him. In the beginning, many scoffed at the temerity of a peanut farmer and one-term governor running for the highest office in the land. After Carter met with House Speaker Thomas P. “Tip” O’Neill Jr., the speaker was asked whom he had been talking to. “Some fellow named Jimmy Carter from Georgia. Says he’s running for president,” O’Neill replied. In a meeting with editors of the Los Angeles Times in 1975, Carter said he planned to gain the presidency by building a network of supporters and by giving his candidacy an early boost by winning the Iowa caucuses. Until then, Iowa had been a bit player in the nominating process, mostly ignored by strategists. But Carter’s victory there vaulted him to front-runner status — and Iowa into a major role in presidential nominations. His emergence from the pack of Democratic hopefuls was helped by the release of his well-reviewed autobiography “Why Not the Best?” in which he described his upbringing on the farm and his traditional moral values. On the campaign trail, Carter came across as refreshingly candid and even innocent — an antidote to the atmosphere of scandal that had eroded confidence in public officials since the events leading to Nixon’s resignation on Aug. 9, 1974. A Baptist Sunday school teacher, Carter was among the first presidential candidates to embrace the label of born-again Christian. That was underscored when, in an interview with Playboy magazine, he made headlines by admitting, “I’ve looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times. God knows I will do this and forgives me.” Carter had emerged from the Democratic National Convention in July with a wide lead over Ford, Nixon’s vice president and successor, but by the time of the Playboy interview in September, his numbers were tumbling. By election day, the contest was a dead heat. Carter, running on a ticket with Walter F. Mondale for his vice president, eked out a victory with one of the narrower margins in U.S. presidential history, winning 50.1% to 48% of the popular vote and 297 electoral votes, 27 more than needed. Many of Carter’s supporters hoped he would usher in a new era of liberal policies. But he saw his role as more of a problem-solver than a politician, and as an outsider who promised to shake things up in Washington, he often acted unilaterally. A few weeks into his term, Carter announced that he was cutting off federal funding to 18 water projects around the country to save money and protect the environment. Lawmakers, surprised by the assault on their pet projects, were livid. He ultimately backed down on some of the cuts. But his relationship with Congress never fully healed. Members often complained that they couldn’t get in to see him, and that when they did he was in a rush to show them the door. His relationship with the media, as he acknowledged later in life, was similarly fraught. Carter’s image as a reformer also took a hit early in his presidency after he appointed Bert Lance, a longtime confidant, to head the Office of Management and Budget. Within months of the appointment, questions were raised about Lance’s personal financial affairs as a Georgia banker. Adamant that Lance had done nothing wrong, Carter dug in his heels and publicly told his friend, “Bert, I’m proud of you.” Still, Lance resigned under pressure, and although he was later acquitted of criminal charges, the damage to Carter had been done. As Mondale later put it: “It made people realize that we were no different than anybody else.” When Carter did score legislative victories, the cost was high. In 1978, he pushed the Senate to ratify the Panama Canal treaties to eventually hand control of the canal over to Panama. But conservatives criticized the move as a diminution of U.S. strength, and even the Democratic National Committee declined to endorse it. Carter’s most significant foreign policy accomplishment was the 1978 Camp David agreement, a peace pact between Israel and Egypt. But he followed that with several unpopular moves, including his decree that the United States would not participate in the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, as a protest against the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan. It was the only time in Olympic history that the United States had boycotted an Olympics; the Soviets responded by boycotting the 1984 Summer Games in Los Angeles. Carter had taken a series of largely symbolic steps to dispel the imperial image of the presidency. After he took the oath of office on a wintry day, he and the new first lady emerged from their motorcade and walked part of the way from the Capitol to the White House. He ended chauffeur-driven cars for top staff members, sold the presidential yacht, went to the White House mess hall for lunch with the staff and conducted town meetings around the country. He suspended the playing of “Hail to the Chief” whenever he arrived at an event, though he later allowed the practice to resume. On the domestic front, he was saddled with a country in crisis. Inflation galloped at rates up to 14%, and global gasoline shortages closed service stations and created high prices and long lines. Interest rates for home mortgages soared above 14%. In his first televised fireside chat, he wore a cardigan sweater and encouraged Americans to conserve energy during the winter by keeping their thermostats at 65 degrees in the daytime and 55 degrees at night. He also proposed a string of legislative initiatives to deal with the crisis, but many were blocked by Congress. In what would become a seminal moment in his presidency, Carter addressed the nation — and a television audience of more than 60 million — on a Sunday evening in 1979, saying the country had been seized by a “crisis of confidence ... that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will.” He outlined a series of proposals to develop new sources of energy. The address, widely known as the “malaise speech” even though Carter never used that word, was generally well-received at the time, though some bristled at the implication that Americans were to blame for the country’s problems. Any positive glow disappeared two days later, when Carter fired five of his top officials, including the Energy, Treasury and Transportation secretaries and his attorney general. The value of the dollar sank and the stock market tumbled. Sensing that Carter was politically vulnerable, Kennedy moved to present himself as an alternative for the 1980 Democratic nomination, publicly criticizing the president’s agenda. But Kennedy damaged his own candidacy in a prime-time interview with CBS’ Roger Mudd: Asked why he was running for president, Kennedy fumbled his answer, and critics cited it as evidence that the senator didn’t want the job so much as he felt obligated to seek it. A few months after the malaise speech, in late 1979, revolutionaries loyal to Iran’s spiritual leader, the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, taking 52 Americans hostage. Weeks stretched into months, with Iran refusing all efforts to negotiate a hostage release. In April 1980, Carter approved Operation Eagle Claw, a secret Delta Force rescue mission. But it ended in disaster — mechanical trouble sidelined three helicopters and, after the mission was aborted, one of the remaining helicopters collided with a transport plane on the ground, killing eight soldiers. Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance resigned before the mission, believing the plan too risky. Negotiations to free the hostages resumed, and Carter desperately tried to win their release before the November election. But the Iranians prolonged the talks and the hostages weren’t released until Jan. 20, 1981, moments after Carter watched Reagan being sworn in. The journey home for Carter was painful. Of those who voted for Reagan in 1980, nearly 1 in 4 said they were primarily motivated by their dissatisfaction with Carter. :::: Carter faced “an altogether new, unwanted and potentially empty life,” as he later put it. He sold the family farm-supply business, which had been placed in a blind trust during his presidency and was by then deeply in debt. Then, as Rosalynn later recalled, Carter awoke one night with an idea to build not just a presidential library but a place to resolve global conflicts. Together, they founded the nonprofit, nonpartisan Carter Center. His skill as a mediator made Carter a ready choice for future presidents seeking envoys to navigate crises. Republican President George H.W. Bush sent him on peace missions to Ethiopia and Sudan, and President Bill Clinton, a fellow Democrat, dispatched him to North Korea, Haiti and what then was Yugoslavia. Carter described his relationship with President Barack Obama as chilly, however, in part because he had openly criticized the administration’s policies toward Israel. He felt Obama did not strongly enough support a separate Palestinian state. “Every president has been a very powerful factor here in advocating this two-state solution,” Carter told the New York Times in 2012. “That is now not apparent.” As an election observer, he called them as he saw them. After monitoring presidential voting in Panama in 1989, he declared that Manuel Noriega had rigged the election. He also began building houses worldwide for Habitat for Humanity, and he wrote prodigiously. The Nobel committee awarded Carter the Peace Prize in 2002, more than two decades after he left the White House, praising him for standing by “the principles that conflicts must as far as possible be resolved through mediation and international cooperation.” During his 70s, 80s and even into his 90s, the former president showed an energy that never failed to impress those around him. In his 1998 book “The Virtues of Aging,” he urged retirees to remain active and engaged, and he followed his own advice, continuing to jog, play tennis and go fly-fishing well into his 80s. When his “White House Diary” was published in 2010, he embarked on a nationwide book tour at 85, as he did in 2015 with the publication of “A Full Life: Reflections at 90.” When he told America he had cancer that had spread to his liver and brain, it was vintage Carter. Wearing a coat and tie and a pair of blue jeans, he stared into the television cameras and was unflinchingly blunt about his prognosis. “Hope for the best; accept what comes,” he said. “I think I have been as blessed as any human being in the world.” Former Times staff writers Jack Nelson, Robert Shogan and Johanna Neuman contributed to this report. ©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit at latimes.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.A new front is opening in the chaotic war over the future of Dye & Durham Ltd. DND-T . Past and present senior executives have hired a lawyer to take on four large institutional shareholders they accuse of trying to take over the company illegally and blocking a potential takeover. One of those is chief executive officer Matt Proud, according to a source familiar with the situation. The group’s intent is to convince a court to block the named investors from voting at the annual meeting on Dec. 17, at which shareholders of the Toronto-based real estate software vendor will be asked to choose between two competing director slates – one proposed by the company and another from activist investor Engine Capital Ltd. The employees are also hoping to postpone the meeting altogether. Lawyer Susan Kushneryk of Kushneryk Morgan LLP on Saturday wrote to D&D investors Engine, EdgePoint Wealth Management Inc., OneMove Capital Ltd. and Mawer Investment Management Ltd saying she was in the process of being retained by “certain current and former employees” who each have “significant shareholdings” of D&D. She didn’t disclose who the employees are but the source familiar with the situation said the group includes Mr. Proud, former chief legal officer Charlie MacCready and at least one other current senior executive. Both Mr. Proud and Mr. MacCready declined to comment, as did the company. Ms. Kushneryk didn’t reply to messages. In her letter, Ms. Kushneryk accused the four investors of harming the value of her clients’ shareholdings due to their “wrongful actions,” accusing them of acting “jointly and in concert to take control of D&D, amounting to an undisclosed take-over bid” in breach of the Ontario Securities Act. She said her clients allege the shareholders contravened the act by preventing bids in a recently abandoned sale process of the company from proceeding, which “would provide shareholders with a significant premium” for their shares. The Globe and Mail reported last week that D&D had paused a sale process that yielded four conditional takeover bids in the low to mid $20s range per share. It put the process on ice after D&D officials spoke with Mawer and EdgePoint representatives to gauge whether they would support an offer. They came away feeling the company wouldn’t necessarily get their support. Ms. Kushneryk wrote that the employee group is preparing an application “to seek court assistance to protect our clients from further harm and to obtain compensation for the damage that they have suffered as a result of the legitimate bids being blocked.” The employee group will seek “to prevent you or your clients from voting their shares at any shareholder meeting until the wrongdoing has been addressed, and to postpone any upcoming shareholder meetings.” Engine managing partner Arnaud Ajdler said in an e-mail: “It’s clear that the board is unable to manage CEO Matt Proud as he grows increasingly desperate to maintain control of the company.” Mr. Ajdler added Mr. Proud “appears to now be weaponizing his employees to frivolously sue shareholders in a last-ditch effort to delay the upcoming annual meeting. The board should have stepped in to end this behavior a long time ago. The culture at Dye & Durham is fundamentally broken and this latest sideshow demonstrates exactly why a complete overhaul of the Board is necessary.” Engine has repeatedly denied being part of a co-ordinated effort among shareholders to achieve its aims. A Mawer representative declined to comment, and calls to Edgepoint and OneMove principal Tyler Proud – the brother of Matt Proud and D&D’s former chairman – weren’t returned. The legal threat comes after D&D twice in recent months tried to use a Competition Bureau investigation into the company for alleged trade-restricting practices to entrench management and directors by delaying the annual meeting. In both instances the gambit failed. It also follows months of wrangling at the board over what if any actions to take against the four shareholders. Engine early this year launched an activist campaign asking for a special meeting to vote off three of the company’s seven directors and replace them with its nominees. That meeting, set for August, was postponed after Tyler Proud’s holding company tried unsuccessfully to piggyback its own proposal onto the Engine meeting: to have shareholders vote off its nominee to the board, Ted Prittie, and replace him with hedge fund manager Eric Shahinian. That delay led to Engine, which owns 7.1 per cent of the stock, pulling its request and returning with a proposal to vote six nominees to the company’s seven-person board at the AGM. D&D, meanwhile, has proposed a mostly new slate with four new members. Mawer and Edgepoint were both critical of management and the board last fall and involved in efforts to push out directors in 2023. Earlier this year, the board commissioned law firm Groia & Co. to investigate whether the shareholders acted in concert to push for governance changes, which, because their shareholdings add up to more than 20 per cent, could amount to an illegal takeover attempt under Section 105 of the securities act. The contents of the report are unknown, although the company has accused the group of acting together and trying to achieve “a zero-premium takeover” of the company. However, the company and board did not take any legal action. A source familiar with the situation said that was because of a split: Matt Proud, Mr. Derksen and Mr. Prittie, favoured taking legal action while the other four did not. Frustration with the stalemate, the abandoned sale process and fears they could lose their jobs prompted the employee group to explore their options and engage the law firm, the source said. The Globe and Mail is not identifying the source as they are not authorized to discuss he matter. It has been a tumultuous 12 months for D&D, which has faced four governance challenges from investors dissatisfied over its leverage, pace of acquisitions and board oversight over management. It has also refinanced its debt, slashed staff and is facing the competition bureau investigation, all while its stock has continued to trade at depressed levels compared to highs reached a year after its July, 2020, initial public offering.
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Massachusetts politicians and residents are remembering former President Jimmy Carter, who died at the age of 100, after more than a year in hospice care. He was a Georgia peanut farmer who sought to restore trust in government as president and then built a reputation for tireless work as a humanitarian. He earned a Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 while making himself the most active and internationally engaged of ex-presidents. He was a peacemaker, a champion of democracy and public health, and a monitor of human rights around the world. Carter said his Baptist faith demanded that he do whatever he could, wherever he could, for as long as he could, to try to make a difference. "We're not going to see a political leader like that — you know, coming from the humble origins that he did, a peanut farmer. Someone who basically ran as a non-partisan candidate," said Boston University historian Tom Whalen. "He is a complicated fellow but the bottom line is that he had such enormous integrity both as president and in his post-presidency year that makes him a candidate, in my mind, for Mt. Rushmore." Gov. Maura Healey ordered flags in Massachusetts to be flown at half-staff through Jan. 28 in honor of Carter's life. "President Carter lived a life dedicated to peace, human rights, democracy and moral clarity. He set an enduring example of what it means to serve others, and his legacy will continue inspire generations to come," Healey said in a statement. "I'm sending love and strength to the Carter family as they, and our nation, process this profound loss. May we all honor his memory by building a more just, peaceful and caring world." Numerous other Massachusetts politicians also issued statements about Carter on Sunday evening, including: President Jimmy Carter led with compassion, integrity, & an heroic determination to lift humanity’s spirit. We will forever be indebted to him for building a more peaceful world. Thank you, Mr. President, for being conscience, caretaker, and commander for the U.S. and our world. pic.twitter.com/iZS7y8z8iB Jimmy Carter was a true public servant and peacemaker. Our country is a better place because of him. My thoughts are with his family. President Carter’s service of compassion and humility leaves a legacy that will be admired for generations to come. As we come together as a grateful nation to mourn and honor President Carter, my thoughts and prayers are with the entire Carter family. My full statement. pic.twitter.com/00JbvXQH97 President Carter embodied compassion and an unwavering commitment to humanity and public service. His faith in God and practicing that faith informed his life's work of building a more just, equitable, and peaceful world. I’m thinking of his family and everyone who loved him. pic.twitter.com/OWVFepUAkp I’m deeply saddened by the news of President Carter’s passing, and my condolences go out to his children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren who he and Rosalynn adored more than anything in the world. pic.twitter.com/H4Xfc68qCF President Carter was an inspiration to me and so many others. My thoughts go out to the entire Carter Family. Rest in peace, Mr. President. pic.twitter.com/HdYAUQyQ2E James Earl Carter, Jr. led a long and distinguished life committed to service and will be remembered for his humble, yet iron-will to do good unto others. His remarkable sense of character and selflessness traced back to his humble beginnings in Plains, GA, and he upheld the... https://t.co/WioVgTbkfy President Carter lived a life we should all aspire to - with humility and honesty, selflessness and faith, and an unwavering devotion to his fellow man. This country is better for his service to it. The Associated Press contributed to this report.
Assassin's Creed Shadows' Canon Mode Can Make Story Decisions For You - IGN Daily Fix In today's Daily Fix:Assassin's Creed Shadows will have an optional feature where you don't need to worry about story decisions at all. Unofficially dubbed 'canon mode,' the feature will let you focus on gameplay while the game itself handles important dialogue options that affect the game's story. Perfect if you get nervous about making decisions, or just don't care about the story and want to go back to assassinatin'. In other news, a new trailer has leaked for Mafia: The Old Country, and it features a release window. The Game Awards are tonight, so maybe we'll see it officially revealed then? And finally, a new Mew-focused set is coming to Pokémon TCG Pocket.OXFORD, United Kingdom and GERMANTOWN, Md., Nov. 25, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Barinthus Biotherapeutics plc (NASDAQ: BRNS) (“Barinthus Bio”), today announced the promotion of Geoffrey Lynn, M.D., Ph.D. to Chief Scientific Officer (CSO), effective as of December 1, 2024. Dr. Lynn succeeds Nadège Pelletier, Ph.D. who decided to pursue alternative opportunities closer to home after having served as Barinthus Bio’s CSO since early 2023. Barinthus Bio is a clinical-stage biopharmaceutical company developing novel immunotherapeutic candidates that guide T cells to control disease. “Dr. Pelletier’s strong vision and leadership have resulted in a robust preclinical pipeline of promising leads for targeting autoimmune and other inflammatory diseases. She has played a pivotal role in the new company structure and across all R&D activities,” said Bill Enright, Chief Executive Officer of Barinthus Bio. “We’re very grateful for Dr. Pelletier’s contributions to our growing pipeline and expect a smooth transition with the appointment of Dr. Lynn. As co-inventor of the SNAP-TI technology, he is a natural successor into the CSO role.” Dr. Pelletier will remain with the Company until the transition of responsibilities to Dr. Lynn is complete. “This is an incredibly exciting time for Barinthus Bio. We have achieved functional cures with VTP-300 in patients with chronic hepatitis B, and VTP-1000, our first product candidate developed using the SNAP-TI technology, recently entered the clinic in a Phase 1 trial for individuals with celiac disease,” said Dr. Lynn. “Dr. Pelletier has put Barinthus in a strong position with a compelling pipeline of assets, including our first program in the autoimmune disease space, and I look forward to building on this momentum while also exploring new opportunities to build value.” Dr. Lynn is a seasoned biotech innovator and executive with over 15 years of experience leading immunotherapeutic R&D from discovery through early development. Prior to joining the Company, Dr. Lynn led Avidea Technologies, Inc. as CEO and Founder from its launch at Johns Hopkins FastForward in 2017 through to its acquisition by Barinthus Bio in 2021. Dr. Lynn holds a M.D. from the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine (US), as well as a D.Phil. from the University of Oxford. About Barinthus Bio Barinthus Biotherapeutics (Nasdaq: BRNS) is a clinical-stage biopharmaceutical company developing novel immunotherapeutic candidates designed to guide the immune system to overcome chronic infectious diseases and autoimmunity. Helping people living with serious diseases and their families is the guiding principle at the heart of Barinthus Bio. With a focused pipeline built around its proprietary platform technologies, Barinthus Bio is advancing immunotherapeutic product candidates in infectious diseases and autoimmunity, including: VTP-300, that utilizing its ChAdOx/MVA platform designed as a potential component of a functional cure for chronic HBV infection and VTP-1000, utilizing our SNAP-Tolerance Immunotherapy (SNAP-TI) platform and is designed to treat people with celiac disease. Barinthus Bio is also conducting a Phase 1 clinical trial for VTP-850, a second-generation immunotherapeutic candidate designed to treat recurrent prostate cancer. Barinthus Bio’s differentiated technology platforms and therapeutic approach, coupled with deep scientific expertise and focus on clinical development, uniquely positions the company to navigate towards delivering treatments that improve the lives of people with chronic infectious diseases and autoimmunity. For more information, visit www.barinthusbio.com . Barinthus Bio’s Forward Looking Statements This press release contains forward-looking statements regarding Barinthus Bio within the meaning of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995, as amended, which can generally be identified as such by use of the words “may,” “will,” “plan,” “forward,” “encouraging,” “believe,” “potential,” “expect,” and similar expressions, although not all forward-looking statements contain these identifying words. These forward-looking statements include, without limitation, express or implied statements regarding Barinthus Bio’s future expectations, plans and prospects, the terms and timing of the anticipated officer transition. Any forward-looking statements in this press release are based on Barinthus Bio management’s current expectations and beliefs and are subject to numerous risks, uncertainties and important factors that may cause actual events or results to differ materially from those expressed or implied by any forward-looking statements contained in this press release, including, without limitation, risks and uncertainties related to the success, cost and timing of Barinthus Bio’s pipeline development activities and planned and ongoing clinical trials, including the risk that the timing for preliminary, interim or final data or initiation of its clinical trials may be delayed, the risk that interim or topline data may not reflect final data or results, Barinthus Bio’s ability to execute on its strategy, regulatory developments, the risk that Barinthus Bio may not achieve the anticipated benefits of its pipeline prioritization and corporate restructuring, Barinthus Bio’s ability to fund its operations and access capital, Barinthus Bio’s cash runway, including the risk that its estimate of its cash runway may be incorrect, global economic uncertainty, including disruptions in the banking industry, the conflicts in Ukraine, Israel and Gaza, and other risks identified in Barinthus Bio’s filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission, including its Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2023, its Quarterly Reports on Form 10-Q and Current Reports on Form 8-K. Barinthus Bio cautions you not to place undue reliance on any forward-looking statements, which speak only as of the date they are made. Barinthus Bio expressly disclaims any obligation to publicly update or revise any such statements to reflect any change in expectations or in events, conditions or circumstances on which any such statements may be based, or that may affect the likelihood that actual results will differ from those set forth in the forward-looking statements. IR contacts: Christopher M. Calabrese Managing Director LifeSci Advisors +1 917-680-5608 ccalabrese@lifesciadvisors.com Kevin Gardner Managing Director LifeSci Advisors +1 617-283-2856 kgardner@lifesciadvisors.com Media contact: Audra Friis Sam Brown, Inc. +1 917-519-9577 audrafriis@sambrown.com Company contact: Jonothan Blackbourn IR & PR Manager Barinthus Bio ir@barinthusbio.com
ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A president from Plains A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. And then, the world Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” ‘An epic American life’ Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. A small-town start James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. ‘Jimmy Who?’ His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Accomplishments, and ‘malaise’ Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. ‘A wonderful life’ At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report. Bill Barrow, The Associated PressA professor of education at the University of Ilorin, Hamdallat Yusuf, has recommended the use of the 4Rs framework—re-imagine, reconfigure, reshape, and reform—in the teacher education programs in the country. Delivering the 271st inaugural lecture of the university, titled “Navigating the Nexus of Teacher Education, Curriculum Development, and Social Studies,” Professor Yusuf said that the 4Rs framework is capable of providing theoretical knowledge and practical hands-on skills for teacher educators through entrepreneurship teacher education. She said that the 4Rs should address the six main components (curriculum development, mentorship and networking, policy and support systems, practical training, technology integration, and impact and results) to integrate educational skills in Nigerian teacher education programs. “I would like to recommend improvement in the areas of revising and strengthening teacher education programs, professional development, implementation of robust supervision frameworks, addressing infrastructure and resource challenges, integrating civic education in all aspects of teacher education, encouraging technology integration, and encouraging community involvement in teaching activities and making the teaching profession attractive through improved conditions of service,” she said. Professor Yusuf also recommended a tailored curriculum that would meet local needs and values, explaining that it should adapt the content of social studies to reflect local cultures, histories, and current issues. The don said that the Re-imagine strategies for improvement in Nigerian teacher education programs should include innovative teaching methods, which involve the adoption of interactive and participatory teaching styles in social studies to engage students. “Development of Critical Thinking Skills: Using discussions and debate approaches to encourage students to analyse and question societal issues. “Integration of Experiential Learning: Connecting theory with practice in teacher education through field trips and community projects. “Increase in Teaching Practice Period: Allocation of a longer period for teaching practice exercise than the current six-week exercise, which does not provide an opportunity for quality pre-service teaching experience. “Adoption of Interdisciplinary Approaches: Encouraging collaboration between social studies and other subjects to enhance their relevance to contemporary 21st century. “Re-designing of Teacher Education Curriculum to be Responsive: Making teacher education curriculum flexible to meet the needs of diverse student populations. “Integration of Community Resources: Making social studies learning more relatable through local leaders and resources in the teaching process. “Integrating Technology in Learning: Enhancing learning experiences to effectively engage students to meet 21st-century learning needs using digital tools. “Collaboration with Stakeholders: Involvement of parents, community leaders, and local organisations in the educational process.” READ MORE FROM: NIGERIAN TRIBUNE
In a bygone era, two of the authoritarian Middle Eastern leaders —Saddam Hussein of Iraq and Muammar el-Gaddafi—were hunted down before being executed. Saddam was sentenced to death by hanging after being convicted of crimes against humanity by an Iraqi Special Tribunal while Gaddafi was severely beaten up by rebel forces before being shot to death. Still, some Arab rulers who were deposed but survived included Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia in 2011, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt in 2011, and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen in 2012. But there was one rare exception—in Asia. Sri Lanka's President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was driven into exile—first, seeking refuge in the Maldives, then in Singapore and finally in Thailand. When he ran out of safe havens, or so the story goes, he returned to his home country –but not to his lost presidency. In Asia, there were several other political leaders who were ousted from power and went into exile, including Nawaz Sharif, Pervez Musharraf and Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan, Ashraf Ghani of Afghanistan, Yingluck Shinawatra of Thailand and most recently Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh. When the Taliban captured power back in 1996, one of its first political acts was to hang the Afghan President Mohammed Najibullah in Ariana Square in Kabul. And, when it assumed power a second time, it ousted the US-backed government of Ashraf Ghani, a former World Bank official, armed with a doctorate in anthropology from one of the most prestigious Ivy League educational institutions in the US: Columbia University. In a Facebook posting, Ghani said he fled to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) seeking safe haven because he "was going to be hanged" by the Taliban. If that did happen, the Taliban would have earned the dubious distinction of being the only government in the world to hang two presidents. But mercifully, it did not. Last week, as Syrian President Bashar al-Assad lost his battle for survival against a 14-year-old civil war in his country, he went... Thalif Deen